Showing posts with label A.Schwartz. Show all posts
Showing posts with label A.Schwartz. Show all posts

Thursday, December 18, 2008

"conversion, whereby, for example, all existing mortgage debts could be wholly or partly converted into long-term, low and fixed-interest loans"

Niall Ferguson on FT talks about Leviticus:

"I
n the Old Testament Book of Leviticus, God commands the children of Israel to observe a jubilee every 50 years. Nowadays we tend to associate the word with celebrations of royal anniversaries such as Queen Elizabeth’s golden jubilee in 2002. But the biblical conception of a jubilee was more precise: that of a general cancellation of debts.

This point is spelt out in Deuteronomy: “Every creditor that lendeth ought unto his neighbour shall release it; he shall not exact it of his neighbour, or of his brother; because it is called the Lord’s release.” ( I BELIEVE THAT THIS WAS ALSO TO ENSURE THE LAND REMAINED IN THE POSSESSION OF EACH TRIBE )

Such injunctions may strike the modern reader as utopian. How could any sophisticated society function if all debts were cancelled twice a century – much less, as Deuteronomy seems to suggest, every seven years? Yet we know that such general cancellations of debt really did happen in the ancient world. In 1788 BC, for example, about 500 years before the time of Moses, King Rim-Sin of Ur issued a royal edict declaring all loans null and void, wiping out some of history’s earliest known moneylenders. ( WHY NOT HAVE SAVER NATIONS LIKE CHINA AND GERMANY CANCEL DEBT, AND THEN THE SPENDER NATIONS CAN START SPENDING AGAIN AND EVERYONE IS HAPPY AND DOING WHAT COMES NATURALLY TO THEM? )

The idea of a generalised debt cancellation is not wholly unknown in modern times. The late Gerald Feldman, the world’s leading authority on the German hyperinflation of 1923, drew a parallel between the ancient Hebrew yovel and the wiping out of all paper mark-denominated debts as a result of the collapse of the German currency (though, as he was quick to point out, those whose savings were wiped out were far from jubilant).

In the hope of avoiding the mark’s meltdown, the economist John Maynard Keynes had repeatedly called for a general cancellation of the war debts and reparations arising from the first world war. Though no such intergovernmental jubilee was ever proclaimed, debt cancellation was effectively what happened after 1931, beginning with President Herbert Hoover’s one-year moratorium on both war debts and reparations.

As 2008 draws to a close, there are many people on both sides of the Atlantic who yearn for such a simple solution to the problem of excessive indebtedness. Parallels with the interwar period are not inappropriate. It is all but inevitable that we shall see serious political and geopolitical upheavals in 2009, as the recession takes its toll on weak governments (Thailand and Greece are already reeling) and raises the stakes in inter-state rivalries (India-Pakistan). In the words of Hank Paulson, the US Treasury secretary: “We are dealing with a historic situation that happens once or twice in 100 years.” The stakes are high indeed. Has the time arrived for a once-in-50-years biblical jubilee?

Excessive debt is the key to this crisis ( BUT WHAT CAUSED IT? ); it is the reason we are confronting no ordinary recession, curable by a simple downward adjustment of interest rates. It is the reason we still have to fear, if not a second Great Depression, then very likely the biggest recession since the 1930s. We are living through the painful end of an age of leverage which saw total private and public debt in the US rise from about 155 per cent of gross domestic product in the early 1980s to something like 342 per cent by the middle of this year.

With average household debt rising from about 75 per cent of annual disposable income in 1990 to very nearly 130 per cent on the eve of the crisis, a large proportion of American families are submerging under the weight of their accumulated borrowings. British households are in even worse shape.

Looking back, we now see just how big a proportion of US growth since 2001 was financed by mortgage equity withdrawals. Without that as a means of financing consumption, the economy would barely have grown at 1 per cent a year under President George W. Bush. Looking forward, we see just how hard it will be to stabilise property prices and the prices of the securities based on them. Already, at the end of September, one in 10 American home owners with a mortgage was either at least a month in arrears or in foreclosure. One in five mortgages exceeds the value of the home it was used to purchase.

US debt

The financial sector’s debts grew even faster as banks sought to bolster their returns on equity by “levering up” ( THIS IS TRUE ). According to one recent estimate, the total leverage ratios (on- and off-book assets and exposure divided by tangible equity) for the two biggest US banks were 88:1 for Citibank and 134:1 for Bank of America. The bursting of the property bubble caused such ratios, which were already too high on the eve of the crisis, to explode as off-balance-sheet commitments and pre-arranged credit lines came home to roost. Only by borrowing from the Federal Reserve on an unprecedented scale have the banks been able to stay in business( THE BANKS CONSIDER IT INSURANCE AND WERE COUNTING ON IT ).

With estimates of total losses on risky assets now ranging from $2,800bn (£1,850bn, €1,960bn) to $6,000bn, a chain reaction is under way that will leave no sector of the world economy untouched. The American economy is contracting at an annualised rate of 5 per cent ( WE NEED TO WAIT ON THAT ). Commercial property is following the residential market into freefall. The Standard & Poor’s 500 index is down 43 per cent since its peak in October last year. The market for credit default swaps is pointing to a surge in defaults on corporate bonds( I BELIEVE THIS IS OVERDONE ). The automotive industry is already (against the will of Congress and the original intention of the Treasury) on life support. The US is at the centre of the crisis but Europe and Japan may suffer even larger aftershocks. As for the much feted emerging market “Brics” – Brazil, Russia, India and China – their stock markets have been dropping like, well, bricks.

What makes this crisis of burning interest to financial historians is the knowledge that we are witnessing a real-time experiment with not one but two theories( THEY'RE NOT MUCH HELP ) about the Depression.

On one side, Ben Bernanke, Fed chairman, is applying the lesson of Milton Friedman’s and Anna Schwartz’s A Monetary History of the United States, which argued that the Depression was in large measure the fault of the central bank for failing to inject liquidity into an imploding financial system. Mr Bernanke has not merely slashed the federal funds rate to below 0.25 per cent. He has lent freely to the banks against undisclosed but probably toxic collateral. Now he is buying securities in the open market. ( HE'S DOING WHAT LOOKS LIKE THE LEAST AWFUL ALTERNATIVE )

The result has been an explosion of the Fed’s balance sheet and of the monetary base. With assets approaching $2,263bn and capital of less than $40bn, the Fed increasingly resembles a public hedge fund, leveraged at more than 50:1. ( THE ASSETS OF THE AMERICAN PEOPLE BACK THIS )

On the other side, Mr Paulson has emerged as an unwitting disciple of Keynes, running a huge government deficit in an effort not merely to bail out the financial sector but also to provide a public sector substitute for sharply falling private sector consumption. Even before President-elect Barack Obama launches his promised infrastructure investment programme, estimates of next year’s deficit run as high as 12.5 per cent.

Once, monetarism and Keynesianism were considered mutually exclusive economic theories. So severe is this crisis that governments all over the world are trying both simultaneously ( THAT'S BECAUSE WE'RE NOT SURE WHAT TO DO ).

Although commentators like to draw parallels with Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, in truth the measures taken since the crisis began in August 2007 more closely resemble those taken during the world wars ( AND? ). After 1914, and again after 1939, there was massive government intervention in the financial system. Banks and bond markets were reduced to mere channels for the financing of huge public sector deficits. That is what is happening today, but without the stimulus to manufacturing that the world wars provided. We are having war finance without the war itself.( THANK GOD )

Yet the effect of these policies is essentially to add a new layer of public debt to the existing debt mountain. Added together, the loans, investments and guarantees made by the Fed and the Treasury in the past year total about $7,800bn, compared with a pre-crisis federal debt of about $10,000bn. The Treasury may have to issue as much as $2,200bn in new debt in the coming year. ( IT'S A PROBLEM, BUT NOT INSURMOUNTABLE )

For the time being, the distress-driven demand for dollars and risk-free assets is pushing down the cost of all this borrowing. Treasury yields are at historic lows. But it is not without significance that the cost of insuring against a US government default has risen 25-fold in little over a year ( THIS MIGHT WELL BE OVERDONE ). At some point ( WHAT POINT? ), with most big economies adopting the same fiscal policy, global bond markets are going to start choking.

Is it really plausible that the cure for excessive leverage in the private sector is excessive leverage in the public sector ( YES IT IS. IT'S PARADOXICAL, BUT MUCH OF LIFE IS ) Might there not be a simpler way forward? When economists talk about “deleveraging” they usually have in mind a rather slow process whereby companies and households increase their savings in order to pay off debt. But the paradox of thrift means that a concerted effort along these lines will drive an economy such as that of the US deeper into recession, raising debt-to-income ratios.

The alternative must surely be a more radical reduction of debt. Historically, such reductions have been done in one of four ways:( 1 ) outright default,( 2 ) restructuring (for instance, bankruptcy), ( 3 )inflation or ( 4 ) conversion. At the moment, more and more American households are choosing the first as a way of dealing with the problem of negative equity, while more and more companies are being driven towards bankruptcy. But mass foreclosures and bankruptcies are not a pretty prospect.( BUT THEY MIGHT HELP )

Inflation, by contrast, is hard to worry about in the short term, not least because the Fed’s expansion of the monetary base is leading to no commensurate expansion of the broad money supply; the banks would rather shrink than expand their balance sheets.( SO WHY NOT USE IT? )

That leaves conversion, whereby, for example, all existing mortgage debts could be wholly or partly converted into long-term, low and fixed-interest loans, as recently suggested by Harvard’s Martin Feldstein. (In his scheme, the government would offer any homeowner with a mortgage the option to replace 20 per cent of the mortgage with a low-interest loan from the government, subject to a maximum of $80,000. The annual interest rate could be as low as 2 per cent and the loan would be amortised over 30 years ( THEY DO HAVE TO PAY THE MONEY BACK ).

At the very least, this would rescue many homeowners from the nightmare of negative equity. A similar operation might also be contemplated for the debts of those banks that have been partially or wholly recapitalised by the state. This would not add to the federal debt in net terms and would reduce the interest burden, if not the absolute debt burden, of households.

Such radical steps would naturally represent a haircut for creditors ( FINE WITH ME, SINCE THE HOUSES THEY WOULD FORECLOSE ON WOULD BE WORTH LESS ), notably the holders of mortgage-backed securities and bank bonds. Yet they would surely be preferable to the alternatives ( NOT IF THEY FEEL THAT THEY CAN GET A BETTER DEAL FROM THE GOVERNMENT. ALSO, ARE YOU GOING TO MANDATE THIS? ). And they would certainly be a less extreme solution than the general debt cancellation envisaged in the Old Testament.

Financially, 2008 has been an annus horribilis. The answer may be to make 2009 a true jubilee year.

To be honest, I don't think he made a case for any of the four alternatives. It's an interesting plan, but it is dubious that it can be made to work in practice, due to a number of factors leaving lenders and borrowers to prefer other alternatives.

How fallow years led to a golden jubilee

Every seven years, God told Moses, the children of Israel should neither sow their fields nor prune their vineyards – a kind of self-imposed recession. After seven such sabbatical years, the trumpet of jubilee should be sounded: “And ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, and proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof: it shall be a jubilee unto you; and ye shall return every man unto his possession.”

Land that had been sold was to be redeemed or returned to the original seller and the poor were to be relieved: “If thy brother be waxen poor, and hath sold away some of his possession, and if any of his kin come to redeem it, then shall he redeem that which his brother sold ... If thy brother be waxen poor ... then shalt thou relieve him: yea, though he be a stranger ... Take thou no usury of him ...” In addition, Jews who were slaves were to be set free.

To modern eyes, however, the most striking of these divine injunctions was that debts were to be cancelled as part of “the Lord’s release”.

Sunday, November 23, 2008

"MANY people are looking back to the Great Depression and the New Deal for answers to our problems. "

Tyler Cowen has a post in the NY Times about the New Deal:

"MANY people are looking back to the Great Depression and the New Deal for answers to our problems. But while we can learn important lessons from this period, they’re not always the ones taught in school."

Truthfully, I'm not one of them, because I believe that there is more agreement than is being portrayed in many posts:

"The traditional story is that President Franklin D. Roosevelt rescued capitalism by resorting to extensive government intervention; the truth is that Roosevelt changed course from year to year, trying a mix of policies, some good and some bad. It’s worth sorting through this grab bag now, to evaluate whether any of these policies might be helpful."

I think that just about everyone agrees that some things from the bag worked, others didn't. Roosevelt gets credit since we survived, and, in the real world, it isn't at all clear that anyone else at the time could have done a better job. If it makes you feel better, you can view Roosevelt as many of the Rabbis viewed Noah. Namely, that he was the most righteous man in his time, not of all time.

"If I were preparing a “New Deal crib sheet,” I would start with the following lessons:

MONETARY POLICY IS KEY As Milton Friedman and Anna Jacobson Schwartz argued in a classic book, “A Monetary History of the United States,” the single biggest cause of the Great Depression was that the Federal Reserve let the money supply fall by one-third, causing deflation. Furthermore, banks were allowed to fail, causing a credit crisis. Roosevelt’s best policies were those designed to increase the money supply, get the banking system back on its feet and restore trust in financial institutions.

A study of the 1930s by Christina D. Romer, a professor at the University of California, Berkeley (“What Ended the Great Depression?,” Journal of Economic History, 1992), confirmed that expansionary monetary policy was the key to the partial recovery of the 1930s. The worst years of the New Deal were 1937 and 1938, right after the Fed increased reserve requirements for banks, thereby curbing lending and moving the economy back to dangerous deflationary pressures.

Today, expansionary monetary policy isn’t so easy to put into effect, as we are seeing a shrinkage of credit and a contraction of the “shadow banking sector,” as represented by forms of derivatives trading, hedge funds and other investments. So don’t expect the benefits of monetary expansion to kick in right now, or even six months from now.

Still, the Fed needs to stand ready to prevent a downward spiral and to stimulate the economy once it’s possible."

I agree with this, that a main cause was:

1) The money supply fell ( This won't happen again )

2) Banks were allowed to fail ( I think that it's better to say that accounts had no guarantee )

3) There was deflation ( I don't see that happening now )

I also agree that the Fed should try and work against the current downturn as best it can.

"GET THE SMALL THINGS RIGHT
It’s not just monetary and fiscal policies that are important. Roosevelt instituted a disastrous legacy of agricultural subsidies and sought to cartelize industry, backed by force of law. Neither policy helped the economy recover.

He also took steps to strengthen unions and to keep real wages high. This helped workers who had jobs, but made it much harder for the unemployed to get back to work. One result was unemployment rates that remained high throughout the New Deal period.

Today, President-elect Barack Obama faces pressures to make unionization easier, but such policies are likely to worsen the recession for many Americans."

Here, I just disagree. Although I'm against agricultural subsidies, except in certain dire circumstances, we can't blame Roosevelt for what has happened since. If it's on our watch, it's our fault. Cartels are bad, although is appears they're okay in Credit Ratings Agencies and Oil.

The union criticism is weird. Unions can serve a very useful function in a capitalist society, and, in any case, they're negotiated contracts. If you don't like them, don't enter into them. What criticism of this kind usually means is that unions are an interest group, but so are businesses. It seems to come down to cheerleading for one side or another, while I see both as important. In politics, this comes down to the give and take between these two interest groups. If you don't like that, then you have to lobby for a particular reform or give government less to do.

"DON’T RAISE TAXES IN A SLUMP The New Deal’s legacy of public works programs has given many people the impression that it was a time of expansionary fiscal policy, but that isn’t quite right. Government spending went up considerably, but taxes rose, too. Under President Herbert Hoover and continuing with Roosevelt, the federal government increased income taxes, excise taxes, inheritance taxes, corporate income taxes, holding company taxes and “excess profits” taxes.

When all of these tax increases are taken into account, New Deal fiscal policy didn’t do much to promote recovery. Today, a tax cut for the middle class is a good idea — and the case for repealing the Bush tax cuts for higher-income earners is weaker than it may have seemed a year or two ago."

I say lower taxes for the middle class and businesses, and review the Bush cuts when they come up.

"WAR ISN’T THE WEAPON World War II did help the American economy, but the gains came in the early stages, when America was still just selling war-related goods to Europe and was not yet a combatant. The economic historian Robert Higgs, a senior fellow at the Independent Institute, has shown in his 2006 book, “Depression, War, and Cold War,” just how much the war brought shortages and rationing of consumer goods.

While overall economic output was rising, and the military draft lowered unemployment, the war years were generally not prosperous ones. As for today, we shouldn’t think that fighting a war is the way to restore economic health."

This was why I was posting that I hoped people weren't going to make the argument that WW II got us out of the depression. Also, government does gain power during wars and crises, which is why they are to be avoided at all cost, although the human toll is the main reason to avoid them. In the current crisis and current wars, government is going to grow. The only real political solution is to pick your battles and try and institute policies that can be easily assessed and potentially dismantled. Of course, that's easier said than done.

"YOU CAN’T TURN BAD TO GOOD The good New Deal policies, like constructing a basic social safety net, made sense on their own terms and would have been desirable in the boom years of the 1920s as well. The bad policies made things worse. Today, that means we should restrict extraordinary measures to the financial sector as much as possible and resist the temptation to “do something” for its own sake."

This is very good. I'm going to make it Cowen's Creed.

"In short, expansionary monetary policy and wartime orders from Europe, not the well-known policies of the New Deal, did the most to make the American economy climb out of the Depression. Our current downturn will end as well someday, and, as in the ’30s, the recovery will probably come for reasons that have little to do with most policy initiatives."

Who knows?

Saturday, October 11, 2008

I Recommend Reading Graham

Meghan McArdle lists books to read to help understanding the current crisis:

Recommended reading


and:

More recommended reading

It's a good list, but, for the layman, I found the Friedman/Schwartz really rough.

Anyway, here's my comment:

What Would Graham Do?
A positive investment analysis in the WSJ by Arnold Zweig:

http://online.wsj.com/article/SB122368241652024977.html

"Strikingly, today's conditions bear quite a close resemblance to what Graham described in the abyss of the Great Depression. Regardless of how much further it might (or might not) drop, the stock market now abounds with so many bargains it's hard to avoid stepping on them. Out of 9,194 stocks tracked by Standard & Poor's Compustat research service, 3,518 are now trading at less than eight times their earnings over the past year -- or at levels less than half the long-term average valuation of the stock market as a whole. Nearly one in 10, or 876 stocks, trade below the value of their per-share holdings of cash -- an even greater proportion than Graham found in 1932. Charles Schwab Corp., to name one example, holds $27.8 billion in cash and has a total stock-market value of $21 billion.

Those numbers testify to the wholesale destruction of the stock market's faith in the future. And, as Graham wrote in 1932, "In all probability [the stock market] is wrong, as it always has been wrong in its major judgments of the future."

In fact, the market is probably wrong again in its obsession over whether this decline will turn into a cataclysmic collapse. Eugene White, an economics professor at Rutgers University who is an expert on the crash of 1929 and its aftermath, thinks that the only real similarity between today's climate and the Great Depression is that, once again, "the market is moving on fear, not facts." As bumbling as its response so far may seem, the government's actions in 2008 are "way different" from the hands-off mentality of the Hoover administration and the rigid detachment of the Federal Reserve in 1929 through 1932. "Policymakers are making much wiser decisions," says Prof. White, "and we are moving in the right direction."

Maybe people should read Benjamin Graham.