Hugh Hendry Musings On Deflation
hat tip root Sphere: Related Content
On this blog, I post stories, comments, anything that interests me. Sometimes, I comment upon them. I post the entire story, column, or whatever, in order to save it for my reference. On the right are comments, blogs, etc., that I find useful, or that express what qualify as my opinions. Feel free to contact me via the comment option. Rest assured, you will be treated civilly. On this blog, the assumption is that, properly presented, anyone can understand anything.

"There can be no doubt that besides the regular types of the circulating medium, such as coin, notes and bank deposits, which are generally recognised to be money or currency, and the quantity of which is regulated by some central authority or can at least be imagined to be so regulated, there exist still other forms of media of exchange which occasionally or permanently do the service of money. Now while for certain practical purposes we are accustomed to distinguish these forms of media of exchange from money proper as being mere substitutes for money, it is clear that, other things equal, any increase or decrease of these money substitutes will have exactly the same effects as an increase or decrease of the quantity of money proper, and should therefore, for the purposes of theoretical analysis, be counted as money.
In particular, it is necessary to take account of certain forms of credit not connected with banks which help, as is commonly said, to economize money, or to do the work for which, if they did not exist, money in the narrower sense of the word would be required. The criterion by which we may distinguish these circulating credits from other forms of credit which do not act as substitutes for money is that they give to somebody the means of purchasing goods without at the same time diminishing the money-spending power of somebody else. This is most obviously the case when the creditor receives a bill of exchange which he may pass on in payment for other goods. It applies also to a number of other forms of commercial credit, as, for example, when book credit is simultaneously introduced in a number of successive stages of production in the place of cash payments, and so on. The characteristic peculiarity of these forms of credit is that they spring up without being subject to any central control, but once they have come into existence their convertibility into other forms of money must be possible if a collapse of credit is to be avoided."







"as the ability to raise cash has fallen, actual cash holdings must rise. And, unfortunately for the Obama administration, this is not a temporary hoarding, this is a permanent rebalancing in the trillions of dollars order of magnitude. As money demands skyrockets, the velocity of money plummets."
This sounds to me like your saying that a Flight to Safety does just that. Money ends up in safe investments. However, this is real money. So some people have money.
"For now, the immediate focus should be on whether confidence can return: in collateral, in lending, in risk taking, in entrepreneurship. In the meantime, any talk of inflation is premature. The deflationary shock has to wear off first, and in many asset classes it has not even accelerated yet."
Shouldn't we attempt to attack the Fear and Aversion to Risk and the Flight to Safety with disincentives to save and incentives to invest? I'm not sure how we would know that they work until we try them.
As for QE, if short term interests rates are low, and longer term rates begin to go up, then you have a disincentive to save and a longer term signal of confidence. That seems good to me. It won't work on its own, but with rising stocks, a short term sales tax decrease, tax incentives for investment, and some govt spending, you can at least have a plan to attack the problem. It doesn't strike me as a priori false or doomed to fail.
As for the casino, I never get that analogy, since there's a winner: namely, the casino. The money doesn't disappear.
Don the libertarian Democrat
The GGP final auction clearing price was 44.25: fifth (L)CDS auction in a row that the inside market was surpassed by the final price. As the results indicate, the weighted average price was 42.58, with the lowest average bid provided by JPM at 38.44 and highest (not surprisingly) by fully CRE-pregnant Deutsche Bank at 44.23. Bid to cover is minuscule at 8.06%.
Indicatively, I provide the recent trending of GGP TL/A as provided by SMintelligence. Someone is very interested in not letting this price seem like a mere result of a short squeeze. Absent the DB "abovemarket" order flood, the auction may have well cleared markedly lower. Yo, DB CDS trading desk, how much LCDS did you sell and need badly to cover? Is the $120 a rough but fair estimate?
Sphere: Related Content In traditional journalism, you publish what you know for sure as quickly as you can while being assiduous about maintaining accuracy at all times. In financial markets, traders run with rumors and gut feelings and outright guesses on a regular basis, on the basis that they’ll change their mind (or, more to the point, their position) if they turn out to be wrong. And one of the reasons why traders like blogs — and why many journalists don’t like blogs — is that blogs tend to me more traderish than traditional journalism: they’ll run with stuff before it’s nailed down, without checking it, in the full knowledge that it might be wrong. How far they go in that direction depends entirely on the blog, which is one reason why blog readers need to be critical readers: you can’t read a blog and simply know, based on the reputation of the parent institution, that you can trust it implicitly.
For instance: this afternoon, a meme took hold in the blogosphere, started by Zero Hedge, and picked up by the likes of Clusterstock, that there had been some kind of unconscionable bullying of Chrysler holdouts by the White House. Wonderfully, the blog entries caused some real reporting from Dealbook, which got on-the-record denials of any such bullying from both sides. The denials don’t mean that negotiations never got heated at any point of course, but they do mean, I think, that the charges of fascism are maybe a bit overblown.
Blogs can also be sloppy: Clusterstock’s Henry Blodget, for instance, in asking for banks’ senior creditors to be part of any recapitalization by converting their debt to equity, says this:
The best way would have been to seize the banks and restructure them. Since Geithner has opted against the route, however, the next best way would be to convert unsecured bank debt to equity, not just the taxpayers’ preferred stock (the taxpayers’ preferred stock should have been senior to all the bondholders, but that’s spilt milk at this point).
But this just makes no sense: if the taxpayers’ preferred stock had been senior to all the bondholders, it wouldn’t have been preferred stock at all: it would have been a liability of the banks, not equity, and would have done no good whatsoever. You can’t make a borderline-solvent bank healthy by increasing its liabilities, only by decreasing them.
While I’m at it, I should also explain why Blodget’s broader argument is also flawed. He writes, of the plan to convert preferred stock to equity:
The banks will still have the same amount of crap assets on their balance sheets, and they’ll have no more capital available to absorb these losses when they hit. The only thing that will change is that the taxpayer will now get hit first as these losses flow through, instead of getting hit second, as is the case now.
But that’s a huge change, because when common stock holders get hit first, the banks can continue to operate quite happily. If a bank ever reaches the point at which its preferred stock holders get hit, on the other hand, it will pretty much automatically get taken over by the FDIC or otherwise cease to exist in its former form. So converting preferred stock to common really does strengthen a bank and make it more likely to be able to survive future asset write-downs.
Still, I’d much rather read inflammatory or even just plain wrong stuff on blogs than have to wade through execrable nonsense like Vanessa O’Connell’s 2,700-word article on discount shopping in the WSJ magazine. She’s great at (under)stating the bleeding obvious:
According to America’s Research Group, shoppers now view 70 percent off as a great sale, versus the 40-to-50-percent discounts of the past. At the 70 percent level, it’s extremely hard for traditional retailers to make a profit.
But more seriously, she’s also great at blithely parroting numbers without any indication of what they mean:
With carefully managed flash sales of top designer names—from Marc Jacobs to Missoni—it has amassed one million members within 18 months of launching, and the company says it’s on track to multiply its annual revenue to about $80 million, up from less than $7 million.
“On track”, of course, can mean anything — or nothing. If the company wants to give the WSJ its sales numbers, it should give the WSJ its sales numbers. If it doesn’t want to give out those numbers, that’s also fine. But if it doesn’t give out its sales numbers, the WSJ shouldn’t treat it as though it has revealed something interesting or important all the same. Especially when the journalist goes on to contradict herself on much less important numbers pertaining to the company later on in the piece:
Once you are invited to join the online sample sales at Gilt Groupe, get ready. To work up excitement, Gilt blasts an 11:50 a.m. email to its massive member list, with images of some of the designer clothes, shoes and accessories that will be offered at the noon sale time. At 11:59 a.m., there are typically somewhere between 30,000 and 50,000 people on the site, waiting for the clock to tick. Most of the merchandise sells out within the hour…
By 11 p.m., more than half of the women’s styles that went on sale at noon are generally sold out.
So, how long does it take for most of the inventory to be sold? One hour, or eleven? Did O’Connell, or her editors, bother to check? It seems not — despite the luxury of long lead times on the magazine.
The problem here, of course, is that because the piece is appearing in a fluffy lifestyle magazine, rather than in the newspaper proper, no one particularly cares about the content — it’s mainly just there to look glossy and help sell watches. Which is never going to be much of an issue on a blog. If you’re reading something on a blog, it’s not because it was commissioned as a high-concept way of filling the feature well, but rather because someone genuinely has something to say and wants to communicate it. You might need to approach with skepticism — but you should do that with all journalism, not just blogs. And if you’re reading critically, you can generally get much more insight from blogs than you can from carefully-circumscribed journalism. They might sometimes be wrong — but at least they’re provocative, interesting, and useful. Which is more than can be said for just about anything in the WSJ magazine.
Journalism can be fantastically good, of course — as can blogging. But when it’s bad, journalism, even in a well-respected publication, can be just painful — more so than just about anything you’re likely to find on a reasonably-respected blog."
“The whole point of Treasury’s proposed resolution authority is to extend the FDIC’s systemic risk exception to the insolvency regime that governs large bank holding companies (e.g., Citigroup, BofA, JPMorgan, Wells Fargo). If there’s no systemic risk finding, failed bank holding companies will still be handled by the bankruptcy courts. Treasury’s proposal gives the government the same kind of discretion in cases of systemic risk that the FDIC has under the Federal Deposit Insurance Act.”
Here’s the plan:
“March 25, 2009
tg-70
Treasury Proposes Legislation for Resolution Authority
Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner on Monday called for new legislation granting additional tools to address systemically significant financial institutions that fall outside of the existing resolution regime under the FDIC. A draft bill will be sent to Congress this week and several key features are highlighted below.
The legislative proposal would fill a significant void in the current financial services regulatory structure and is one piece of a comprehensive regulatory reform strategy that will mitigate systemic risk, enhance consumer and investor protection, while eliminating gaps in the regulatory structure. ”
So the govt is moving towards being able to seize the large banks, but they don’t have the power as of yet. That leaves you with various alternatives, one of which is owning more of the stock, and running the company. This would have a few problems, in that we could still lose a lot of money, and foreign investors and companies will consider us owning the bank to be guaranteeing it. As far as I know, there will still be other shareholders, and they will have certain rights. It could also involve us in foreign politics, as in Mexico with Banamex. Still, it might be better than the current plan.
Now, I thought that this is what Stiglitz and Krugman were proposing, as well as anyone who was complaining that we were investing money but not getting control. After reading Blodget and Krugman, it would be nice to have a clear explanation of exactly what they’re proposing. Are they saying that all creditors would becoming shareholders, but we’d control the bank, because we’ll have more shares? How is that done? What exactly is the alternative to what Geithner’s doing?
- Posted by Don the libertarian DemocratHigher --> Supply: Across the Curve
Treasury bonds are taking a severe drubbing and the yield on the benchmark 10 year note is approximately at the level which prevailed on the day when the Federal Reserve announced quantitative ease (2.96 percent currently).
One participant noted that the 200 day moving average on the Long Bond was 3.798 percent and the market penetrated that level this morning as a sharp knife would melting butter.
Lower --> Quantitative Easing / Continued Economic Deterioration: Zero Hedge
There has been a lot of criticism of Big Ben (us included) but one thing that has come out is he is not afraid to take relatively risky moves to combat whatever he perceives as the biggest threat. As we have noted before, he has clearly revealed his playbook in the past and we see little indication that he will stray from it going forward. On the balance between inflation and deflation, much has been made of the Chinese response if we try to print our way out of this situation but the much larger problem has always been deflation. Combining what we know about the available policy options and the effectiveness of the last round of QE, we have to believe that more purchases of long rates are on the table as a serious consideration.
Source: Yahoo


The R3 situation is curious as it basically occurred in a bankruptcy court firesale, with very little disclosure on just what assets and liabilities were being acquired by the R3 general partners from Lehman, and if any of the other Lehman firesales were an indication (Lehman U.S. brokerage assets, Neuberger Berman), the bankrupt estate likely lost out on any potential upside due to Judge Peck's desire to speed through any asset sale at warp speed. However, that should be a concern for the Lehman offical and ad hoc creditor committee (and their legal advisor Milbank Tweed) - if they were ok with hitting whatever lowball bid came their way, it is their issue.Rieder has joined BlackRock as head of its fixed-income alternatives portfolio team and will continue to manage the R3 funds, according to a memo sent yesterday to BlackRock employees. Bobbie Collins, a spokeswoman for the New York-based firm, confirmed the memo today and declined to comment further.
Other members of the R3 team who are joining BlackRock include J. Richard Blewitt, Russell Brownback, Leland Hart, Michael Lipsky, Mike Phelps, John Stein, Josh Tarnow, Paul Tice, and Michael Weaver, according to the memo.Lehman Brothers in October sold its 45 percent stake in R3for $250 million and made a new $250 million passive investment in R3’s fund, which can’t be divested until May 2011, R3 said in an October statement.
Zero Hedge points out that Goldman Sachs is on the legal warpath, issuing a cease and desist order against www.goldmansachs666.com.
The site is of the conspiratorial persuasion, with a host of memorable quotes such as:
Does Goldman Sachs Run the World?
Not completely, but it doesn’t mean they aren’t trying. It seems that, literally, only flesh eating bacteria can stop these guys.
Strangely, Goldman’s order centres not on the actual content of the site but on copyright aspects — and that’s despite the site carrying a rather large disclaimer that it is not affiliated with the investment bank in any way. The cease and desist order is reprinted below, via Zero Hedge. Click to enlarge.
Does this mean Bank of America can sue www.BACPROXYVOTE.com too?
Related links:
Goldman Sachs to sue Goldmansachs666.com - Zero Hedge
Junk mail - FT Alphaville
This entry was posted by Tracy Alloway on Thursday, April 9th, 2009 at 15:06 and is filed under Capital markets. Tagged with goldman sachs."
Me:With all the big announcements about the Treasury’s legacy asset and loan purchase plans and strong rallies seen in most risk markets in response, as well as some better-than-expected economic data, Treasury and other interest rate markets had a surprisingly quiet week that was mostly focused on supply and left Treasury yields mixed. In addition to largely ignoring the surge in stocks and rallies to varying extents in other key markets in response to the Treasury plan – with a very strong rally by the commercial mortgage CMBX market versus a comparatively soft response by the subprime ABX market particularly interesting – Treasuries also paid almost no attention to a round of overall better-than-expected data, probably partly because investors were looking ahead to what’s expected to be a rough run of more important early figures for March in the coming week’s employment, ISM and motor vehicle sales results. The data were also a good bit better on a headline basis in a number of cases than in some of the important underlying details. New and existing home sales both posted rebounds off their lows in February but showed little progress in working down the severely bloated inventory situation heading into the key spring selling season. Both overall and core durable goods orders posted good gains in February but only after extremely large downwardly revised declines in January. Even with a slight recovery in February, capital goods shipments were so weak in the revised January numbers that the outlook for 1Q investment continued to worsen. Fourth quarter GDP growth was revised down less than expected to -6.3% from -6.2% but partly because of a smaller downward adjustment to inventories that pointed to a partly offsetting larger inventory drag in 1Q. Even with a stronger path for 1Q consumption implied by the personal income report, we cut our 1Q GDP estimate to -5.1% from -4.9%. Instead of trading on the Treasury plans, other markets’ reactions to the plans or the economic news, supply was the overriding market focus in what activity there was during the week’s sluggish trading, and this cuts two ways. The Fed’s surprise announcement that it would be including long bonds in its initial round of Treasury purchases after previously saying buying would be focused in the 2-year to 10-year range helped the long end outperform on the week. And the very rapid start to the buying program provided additional support. As heavy as the Fed’s US$15 billion in purchases was, it was only a fraction of the record US$98 billion of new coupon supply in 2s, 5s and 7s during the week. After a solid start to the three auctions with Tuesday’s 2-year, the week’s Treasury market lows were hit after a poor 5-year sale Wednesday that added to supply jitters from the failed UK gilt auction. Once the much better 7-year auction wrapped up the supply on Thursday, however, and the market was able to look ahead to a busy schedule of Fed buying combined with a week-and-a-half break in new issuance, the market was able to rebound to close the week Thursday and Friday.
For the week, benchmark Treasury yield moves ranged from modest gains driven by the Fed’s surprise announcement to decent losses in the intermediate part of the curve led by the 7-year, which reversed much of its strong outperformance in initial response to the FOMC’s Treasury buying announcement. The old 2-year yield was flat at 0.86%, 3-year up 4bp to 1.26%, old 5-year up 12bp to 1.76%, old 7-year up 15bp to 2.31%, 10-year up 13bp to 2.76% and 30-year down 6bp to 3.62% (for the new issues, there was about a 4bp yield pick-up for the 2-year and 5-year and 6bp for the 7-year). Even with risk markets surging, demand for cash reached new extremes, though this may have mostly just reflected quarter-end book-squaring. Very short-dated bills closed negative Thursday before reversing course slightly on Friday to leave the 4-week bill’s yield down 7bp to 0.01%. For the week, commodity prices weren’t much changed, with only small further upside in oil prices in particular, but TIPS performed extremely well even after a partial pullback to extend what’s now been a three-week run of major outperformance. The 5-year TIPS yield fell 13bp to 0.82%, 10-year 4bp to 1.34% and 20-year 14bp to 1.92%. Current coupon 4% mortgages ended the week about unchanged (and with little day-to-day volatility) to outperform the sell-off in the intermediate part of the Treasury curve (though performance was notably worse on an option-adjusted spread basis as interest rate volatility declined). This left yields on 4% MBS a bit above 3.9%, down from near 4.15% two weeks ago and the year’s highs above 4.3% at the end of February. Mortgage rates being offered to consumers have tracked the rally in the MBS market, falling to record lows in the latest week.
Fed Treasury buying got off to a fast start, with two US$7.5 billion purchases, the first in the 7-year to 10-year range and the second 2-year to 3-year. Interestingly, by far the biggest purchase in the former was of the on-the-run 7-year issue and almost all of the buying in the latter was in the current 3-year. The Fed always stayed away from buying benchmark issues in the past as it expanded its Treasury portfolio gradually over the years (until reversing course after mid-2007 when it began selling down a large portion of its Treasury holdings as it was initially sterilizing its other liquidity facilities). But the goal now is clearly to lower broader borrowing costs as effectively as possible, not to gradually expand the Fed’s balance sheet in a non-market disruptive way in the manner of previous historical coupon passes, and these first two operations certainly suggest that the Fed quite reasonably thinks that largely focusing on supporting yields on the benchmark issues is the best way to do this. There will be three more rounds of Fed buying in the coming week – August 2026 to February 2039 maturities Monday; May 2012 to August 2013 Wednesday; and September 2013 to February 2016 Thursday. This additional buying will come during an off week for new Treasury coupon supply before 10-year TIPS, 3-year and 10-year auctions the week of April 6. On top of the fast start to the Treasury buying, the Fed’s net purchases of MBS of US$33 billion in the most recent week were also a new high, though the past week’s agency purchase (agency purchases are expected to take place generally once a week going forward under updated guidelines released by the New York Fed) of US$2.7 billion was around the average size seen up to this point. A continued pick-up in the pace of mortgage purchases may be needed in the weeks ahead as refinancings are likely to ramp up very sharply and put substantial supply pressures on the mortgage market.
The announcement of the Treasury’s legacy asset and loan purchase plans helped risk markets generally extend or resume significant rebounds that in most cases started off lows hit March 9. The S&P 500 gained another 6% on the week for a 21% rebound from the March 9 low. Financials continued to lead the bounce, with the BKX banks stock index up 12% on the week, but their leadership position faded late in the week after a stronger initial outperformance in response to the Treasury’s announcement. In corporate credit, the new series 12 investment grade CDX index tightened 15bp to 184bp in its first full week of trading, while the prior series 11 closed the week near 225bp after hitting a recent wide of 262bp on March 9. The high yield index was 132bp tighter on the week at 1,619bp through Thursday, down from 1,894bp on March 9, but the index was trading off about 3/4 of a point Friday. The leveraged loan LCDX index, which could benefit from the legacy loan portion of the bad bank plan, had a very good week but remained pretty far in the red for the year. Through midday Friday, the index was 379bp tighter on the week at 1,893bp, near its best level since the first half of February but still quite a bit wider than the 1,303bp close at the end of 4Q. The relatively strongest response to the Treasury plan was in the highest-rated parts of the commercial real estate market. The AAA CMBX index tightened nearly 200bp on the week to 559bp, wiping out almost all of the prior year-to-date losses. While the Treasury’s plan was clearly taken as good news for owners of high-quality commercial mortgage-backed securities (though AAA cash CMBS still trades quite a bit wider than the AAA CMBX index at this point, and lower-rated CMBX indices did not perform nearly as well), our desk notes that current spreads are still astronomically higher than where they traded a couple years ago before the financial crisis began – currently about 900bp for AAA CMBS versus only about 25bp pre-crisis. As a result, commercial real estate funding is punishingly expensive even after the recent market rebound, continuing to put intense pressure on commercial property valuations. Meanwhile, a comparatively much weaker performance by the subprime ABX market sharply contrasted with the CMBX strength. The AAA ABX index only gained 2 points from the record lows hit last week and at 26.17 is still down 33% so far this year. Lower-rated ABX indices saw almost no upside from recent record lows, with the AA index only up 0.02 point to 4.04 (incredibly, this index once traded as high as 97.00). Although the muted performance of the subprime market to some extent probably reflected uncertainties about how effective the Treasury’s plan would be, there appeared to be at base a simpler explanation. In contrast to the apparent assumption of the Treasury and many investors, our desk does not believe that current levels in the ABX market, even as far as they have crashed, have been trading at substantially depressed fire-sale prices relative to horrendous underlying fundamentals, so bids well above current market prices for these assets by the PPIFs or through the TALF seem unlikely. ( NB DON )
The past week saw a somewhat more positive tone to the economic data after what’s been mostly a steady run of gloomy results for some time, though underlying details of the figures in many cases weren’t as good as the headline results. For example, home sales rebounded, but there was little improvement in the horrendous inventory situation as we move into the key spring selling season. New home sales rose 4.7% in February to a 337,000 unit annual rate, rebounding from the all-time low hit in January to the second worst reading ever. Even with the number of homes available for sale down for a 22nd consecutive month to a seven-year low, the months’ supply of unsold new homes only moderated to 12.2 months from the record high 12.9 months hit in January. Around 5-6 months of supply would be consistent with a balanced market, so inventories are still completely out of hand heading into the crucial spring selling season. Meanwhile, existing home sales gained 5.1% in February to 4.72 million after hitting a 12-year low, but inventories were unchanged, remaining badly elevated at 9.7 months. Similarly, durable goods orders at first glance looked much better than expected, but underlying details, in particular the extent of the revisions to prior months, ended up being much more negative. Overall durable goods orders jumped 3.4% in February, but this followed a downwardly revised 7.3% plunge in January and still left orders down at a near record 35% annual rate over the past six months. Non-defense capital goods ex-aircraft bookings, the key core gauge, jumped 6.6% in January, but this similarly followed a downwardly revised 11.3% collapse in January, a record decline, and left the recent trend extraordinarily weak. Non-defense capital goods shipments ticked up 0.6% in February but only after a record downwardly revised 8.9% drop in January, pointing to severe weakness in business investment in the first quarter. We cut our forecast for 1Q equipment and software investment to -29% from -24.5% and overall investment to -27% from -24%. A 27% drop in current quarter investment following the 22% fall in 4Q would mark the worst six-month decline since the Great Depression. The inventory drag in 1Q also appears likely to be worse, as durable goods inventories fell a larger-than-expected 0.9% in February on top of a downwardly revised 1.1% drop in January. Note that the drop in sales has been so severe, however, that even with this sharp recent pullback, the I/S ratio in this sector remains very close to a 17-year high. On top of the weakness in durable goods inventories early in 2009, the smaller-than-expected downward revision to 4Q growth to -6.3% from -6.2% (and the way too high -3.8% advance estimate) was partly a result of a smaller-than-expected downward revision to inventories, pointing to a likely greater drag from inventories in 1Q. We now see inventory destocking knocking 2.1pp off 1Q growth instead of 1.5pp.
Against the expected bigger negatives from investment and inventories, the consumption picture at least looks a bit better. Real consumer spending fell 0.2% in February, as expected, but January was revised up to +0.7% from +0.4%. As a result, we now see 1Q consumption rising 1.3% instead of +0.9%. While the swing into positive territory would be a positive development, the upside we’re forecasting would mark a meager rebound after a near-record 4.1% annualized collapse in 2H08. Combining the expected downside in investment and inventories against the upside in consumption and also incorporating our February trade forecast and other underlying details of the 4Q GDP revision, we marginally reduced our 1Q GDP forecast to -5.1% from -4.9%. With 4Q GDP only being revised down to -6.3% instead of the -6.8% we were expecting, the net decline in the economy over the 4Q/1Q period still looks to be extremely severe, but slightly less so than we were forecasting coming into the week.
After some recently rare improvement in some of the economic data seen over the past week, we expect the key early round of March data to have a much more negative tone. We look for the worst employment report yet in this downturn, some renewed weakness in the ISM (though less so than we anticipated coming into the week after better results from the second round of regional reports), and another disastrous month for motor vehicle sales. Key data releases due out in the coming week include consumer confidence Tuesday, ISM, construction spending and motor vehicle sales Wednesday, factory orders Thursday, and employment Friday:
* We look for the Conference Board’s consumer confidence index to rise to 26.0 in March. Both the Michigan and ABC gauges suggest that sentiment was little changed during early March, so we look for the Conference Board measure to hold near the record low of 25.0 posted in February.
* We expect the ISM to decline a point to 35.0 in March. The regional surveys released to this point have been mixed. On an ISM-weighted basis, Empire and Philly posted declines, while Richmond and KC registered gains. So, we look for another relatively steady result on the ISM. The key orders gauge is expected to show an uptick, but employment and inventories should move lower. Finally, the price index is likely to register a pullback this month.
* We forecast a 0.5% decline in February construction spending. The housing starts data suggest that construction activity may have received some temporary support from unseasonably mild weather conditions across parts of the country. So, we look for a much smaller decline in spending than seen in recent months. Renewed weakness in homebuilding and a more rapid pace of decline in non-residential activity should be evident in the coming months. Finally, we don’t expect to see any noticeable support for public infrastructure spending tied to the recently enacted fiscal stimulus legislation until the second half of the year.
* Motor vehicle sales hit a 28-year low of 9.1 million units in February. Anecdotal reports suggest that the sales environment remained miserable in March, and we look for a little changed 9.0 million unit sales rate.
* As foreshadowed by the durable goods data, we look for a sharp 1.9% rise in February factory orders combined with a significant downward revision to January. Meanwhile, shipments are likely to show little change. Inventories are expected to slip 0.7%, with the I/S ratio ticking down a tenth to 1.45 after a major prior run-up.
* We look for a 700,000 drop in March non-farm payrolls. The readings on both initial and continuing unemployment claims are still pointing to a steady deterioration in labor market conditions. However, we actually expect to see an even steeper drop in jobs this month relative to the 650,000 or so declines that were posted in each of the first two months of the year. In particular, we look for some restraint tied to weather-related influences. Although conditions appear to have been near normal during the March survey period, this follows on the heels of much milder than usual weather in February. So, we suspect that favorable weather may have helped to prop up employment in February and this effect could be unwound in March. But any swing to the downside is likely to be tempered by the impact of concurrent seasonal adjustment (a statistical technique that has been used for the past five years or so). Interestingly, all of the large net downward adjustment to the December and January payroll figures in last month’s report was attributable to revised seasonals. The unadjusted figures were actually pushed up a bit. Thus, concurrent seasonal adjustment helped to push up the February reading and offset this by lowering the results for the prior two months. The smoothing process that results from concurrent seasonal adjustment is one reason why the declines in payroll employment seen to this point have not been even larger. Finally, the unemployment rate should continue to move substantially higher to 8.5% from 8.1% (note: we still look for a 9.9% peak by year-end)."
Tyler Durden has a scary post up, connecting banks' profitability in January and February to the fact that those were the months when AIG Financial Products was unwinding an enormous number of its contracts en masse. These trades, initiated by AIGFP, were allegedly enormously profitable for the biggest banks in the CDS market:
The size of these unwinds were enormous, the quotes I have heard were "we have never done as big or as profitable trades - ever"...
I can only guess/extrapolate what sort of PnL this put into the major global banks... I think for the big correlation players this could have easily been US$1-2bn per bank in this period."
If this is true, then (a) the banks still aren't anywhere near sustainable profitability, and (b) those AIG retention bonuses -- paid on the grounds that only the people who got AIG into this mess could get it out -- are even more egregiously untenable than we had suspected.
The whole point of having the government take over AIG was that it wouldn't need to enter into panicked unwinds. If it went ahead and did that anyway, the levels of competence and oversight at AIG are even lower than most of us had thought. Which is quite an achievement."

Whenever he does anything, this is before his mind. In a way, how are we to know whether to say he believes this will happen or not?
Asking him is not enough. He will probably say he has proof. But he has what you might call an unshakeable belief. It will show, not by reasoning or by appeal to ordinary grounds for belief, but rather by regulating for in all his life
Although Adam Smith is often quoted, the so-called "Father of Economics" has rarely been read, either by his detractors or his admirers. Consequently he is often misunderstood.
Smith, who made such a strong stand against the protectionist mercantile system of trade of his day, devoted over ONE THIRD of his masterpiece An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, to discussing the subject of government revenue and the methods by which it may be best collected, including new taxes. This is not generally known.
When examining the different forms of taxation, Smith adheres to four maxims which a good tax should conform to:
2. "The tax each individual is bound to pay ought to be certain, and not arbitrary. The time of payment, the manner of payment, and the quantity to be paid, ought all to be clear and plain to the contributor, and to ever other person."
3. "Every tax ought to be levied at the time, or in the manner in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay it."
4. "Every tax ought to be so contrived as both to take out and to keep out of the pockets of the people as little as possible, over and above what it brings into the public treasury of the State."
On the subject of luxury consumables, he is adamant about the definiton of 'luxury' and of 'necessary.' By his definition, a 'necessary' may vary from place to place and from time to time. At the time of his writing, linen shirts, leather shoes and a minimum of food and shelter were definitely to be regarded as essential to a minumum decent standard of living. Taxes on salt, soap, etc., he harshly criticized as inequitably taking from the poorest elements of society. Taxes on luxuries, which were to include tobacco, he considered excellent in that no one is obliged to contribute to the tax: "Taxes upon luxuries have no tendency to raise the price of any other commodities except that of the commodities taxed ... Taxes upon luxuries are finally paid by the consumers of the commodities taxed, without any retribution."
More deserving of priase is the tax on ground-rents: "Both ground- rents and the ordinary rent of land are a species of revenue which the owner, in many cases, enjoys without any care or attention of his own. The annual produce of the land and labour of the society, the real wealth and revenue of the great body of the people, might be the same after such a tax as before. Ground-rents, and the ordinary rent of land are, therefore, perhaps the species of revenue which can best bear to have a peculiar tax imposed upon them."
Excise, customs, taxes on profits, were, according to Smith, either expensive to collect, as in the case of excise, or disincentives to produce, as in the tax on profits. He reserves harsh words for taxes which occasion the invasion of privacy, and on the subject of excise he says: "To subject every private family to the odious visits and examination of the tax-gatherers ... would be altogether inconsistent with liberty."
The harshest condemnation of all, however, was for taxes upon labour: "In all cases, a direct tax upon the wages of labour must, in the long run, occasion both a greater reduction in the rent of land, and a greater rise in the price of manufactured goods, than would have followed from a proper assessment of a sum equal to the produce of the tax, [levied] partly upon the rent of land, and partly upon consumable comodities."
2) The rules for LOLR( from here on down this includes any government guarantee ) intervention should be clear, public, and followed, otherwise Moral Hazard is ineffective. All guarantees must be explicit.
3) The terms must be onerous.
"Who can forget the end of "Planet of the Apes" when Charlton Heston, kneeling before the half-buried remains of the Statue of Liberty, slams his fists into the sand and cries, "You maniacs! You blew it up! Ah, damn you ... damn you all to hell!"
Now imagine the same scene, but with a half-buried Morgan Stanley building standing in for Miss Liberty and a time-traveling Walter Bagehot playing the lead and you've got the perfect Hollywood dramatization of the real-life tragedy that, with luck, is having its denouement on Wall Street.
Bagehot? The great Victorian man of letters, best remembered today as the second and most celebrated editor of the British magazine The Economist, wasn't exactly a hunk. But he certainly could have delivered those futile last lines with real conviction, for he was among the first to recognize the vast destructive potential of that newfangled weapon of Victorian finance: the modern central bank.
Bagehot first alerted readers to this potential and offered his suggestions for containing it in an article that appeared in The Economist after the great panic and credit crisis of 1866. That panic witnessed the spectacular collapse of Overend, Gurney & Co., which had long been Great Britain's premier investment house.
Bagehot understood that, during such panics, the Bank of England alone commanded the confidence needed to serve other financial firms as a "lender of last resort." But as Bagehot put it later in his book "Lombard Street: A Description of the Money Market" (1873), the bank's "faltering way" -- its arbitrary and inconsistent use of its unique lending powers -- tended only to make things worse.
"The public," Bagehot wrote, "is never sure what policy will be adopted at the most important moment: it is not sure what amount of advance will be made. ... And until we have on this point a clear understanding with the Bank of England, both our ability to avoid crises and our terror at crises will always be greater than they would otherwise be."
The ultimate source of trouble, Bagehot believed, was the very existence of the Bank of England and the special privileges it enjoyed. But because nothing save a revolution seemed likely to do away with the "Old Lady of Threadneedle Street," as it was called, Bagehot's preferred, practical solution was for the bank expressly to commit itself to lending freely during crises, though on good collateral only, and at "penalty" rates.
The restrictive provisions were supposed to limit aid to otherwise solvent firms panic had rendered illiquid.
Bagehot's recommendation has since become a sort of master precept of central banking -- albeit one that's mainly honored in the breach by central bankers.
To be fair to today's central bankers, there's never been much agreement on how to apply Bagehot's rule in practice. Just what do "good collateral" and "penalty rates" mean in times like these?
While no one might precisely be able to define good collateral -- and one can debate whether the rate at which banks offer to lend unsecured funds to other banks, known as the London Interbank Offered Rate, or LIBOR rate, plus 8 percent constitutes a "penalty" rate -- who even pretends that recent central bank lending has been based on good collateral?
But rescuing insolvent firms is the least of it. The real damage comes from the Treasury's utter lack of any consistent last-resort lending rule. The recently enacted financial institutions bailout bill does little to clarify this.
That's just the sort of thing that troubled Bagehot almost a century and a half ago, when central banks were still in their swaddling clothes. Yet central bankers and governments still don't get it, despite the lip service they pay to this great thinker from our past."
Neither Barack Obama nor John McCain had much of value to say about the financial crisis as it raged through the headlines this fall. Rather than shred their campaign strategies, they played it safe, as most politicians would have. But in the name of justice we ought to recall that there was one candidate who did foresee our predicament with considerable accuracy when it still lay far in the future. Ron Paul, in almost every speech he made during the Republican primaries, spoke of bubbles, reckless credit growth, and the "unsustainability" of present policy. So why isn't there more demand for the common-sense solutions he put forward? Because common sense is not much use in a financial panic. This was the great discovery of Walter Bagehot, the prolific 19th-century essayist and journalist, who was editor of the Economist from 1860 to 1877. (His name rhymes with gadget.) Ninety-nine percent of the time, common sense is a synonym for practicality. But in a serious banking crisis, doing the commonsensical thing--hunkering down and counting your pennies--has proved to be not practical at all. Bagehot's Lombard Street is an insider's look at the Bank of England, and at the principles on which political and financial leaders act when advanced economies come under pressure. Those principles are depressing in the extreme for anyone with an uncomplicated idea of how a democracy works. But they are effective. That is why, in the so-called Anglo-Saxon world, Bagehot's book still provides the bedrock of policy thinking during financial emergencies, including our present one. Lombard Street was published in 1873, seven years after the sudden collapse of Overend, Gurney & Co., a bank that lost £11 million, spread panic among investors, sparked a run, and became "the model instance of all evil in business." The crisis made such a deep impression on British finance and government that the country did not have another bank run for 141 years--not until Northern Rock collapsed in the summer of 2007. (English investors must have longer memories than American ones. Most of our own noxious subprime mortgages were contracted, and the securities built on them concocted, after Enron became our own model instance of evil in 2001.) It was the Bank of England that took charge of averting panic, during the Overend, Gurney crisis and thereafter. It did so by injecting credit into the economy, by bailing people out. Bagehot approved of this. Many ordinary retailers could not pay their suppliers until they got the money for the things they sold. Without credit, they would be ruined, and the ruin would spread to those to whom they owed money. This was not a question of moral failing, it was just the way a modern economy worked. But the modern economic system interacts with the modern political system--democracy--in a rather uncomfortable way. Indeed, at more than one juncture in Lombard Street, Bagehot framed the problem of booms and busts as part of the "increasingly democratic structure of English commerce." People in a democracy are most comfortable when their institutions do the same things that they would do as individuals. In a crisis, banks--like everyone else--reflexively hoard their money. But a central bank must do the opposite. It must lend freely. This was the most basic affront to common sense that the Bank of England presented, but it was not the worst. The worst was that the bank could carry out its necessary duties as a lender of last resort only by breaking the law. The basis of the bank's operating procedure--and of its soundness--was the Bank Act of 1844. We would call it a regime of sound money. It included stringent caps on the ratio of notes issued to reserves held. These caps were hewed to when the economy was running smoothly. Yet at the time Bagehot was writing, a quarter century later, the law had already been suspended three times. Not just that. "No similar occasion has ever yet occurred," Bagehot wrote, "in which it has not been suspended." So the law on which the solvency of the British nation rested was ironclad, except when someone felt a need to break it. Stranger still, never did the Bank of England acknowledge its duty as the lender of last resort. Some of its governors even denied that any such duty existed. Bagehot thought the bank should come clean about what it really was:
But there was a reason for the central bankers' dissembling. If the bank ever acknowledged a duty to rescue banks by generous extensions of credit, it would create a form of moral hazard. Thomson Hankey, a Bank of England director whom Bagehot much admired (and to whom the financial writer James Grant devotes an admiring essay in his new book Mr. Market Miscalculates), called Bagehot's lender-of-last-resort views "the most mischievous doctrine ever broached in the monetary or banking world in this country." In practice, Bagehot was right and Hankey was wrong. The bank was beyond question the lender of last resort. In principle, Hankey was right and Bagehot was wrong. Unless there was a real, credible threat that a bank would be allowed to fail, the guarantee of rescue would simply get priced into any financial bubble that developed, making things worse when the bubble popped. The situation required what we would now call "strategic ambiguity"--both Hankey's doctrine and Bagehot's practice, which contradicts it. The situation today requires the same mix. Central banking is thus often a high-stakes game of chicken. And sometimes, when banks enter the game insufficiently scared, it will be played out to the end. It certainly was in September when the U.S. Treasury terrified the financial world by not coming to the rescue of Lehman Brothers. This was a catastrophe in terms of Bagehot's practice, but it will produce benefits in terms of Hankey's principle. It will discourage people from paying more than is reasonable for assets on the belief that they come equipped with an insurance policy (the promise of a central bank rescue) that has been underwritten by taxpayers. The Republicans who nearly derailed the Treasury's Troubled Assets Relief Program in September played a similar role. A final problem is that there are limits to how accountable a central bank can be. Everyone is always hollering for clear rules and transparency. But a dirty secret of regulation is that it frequently influences conduct most effectively when it is capricious and opaque. Any regulatory system will reveal its vulnerabilities over long use. If it addresses economic problems in a predictable way, savvy investors will find a way to "game" that predictability. You can draw an analogy with antidepressant drugs. There is no permanent right match of medication for a depressive. Antidepressants work only until the mind (or is it the brain?) finds a way around them, at which point a new, unfamiliar drug must be substituted. In the same way, no matter how good the content of a regulatory regime, it must change periodically if big market players are to be kept from profiting off it. As Bagehot outlined his system, he was conscious that the practical realities of banking required him to heap paradox upon paradox. There is a hint of both Andrew Jackson and Thomas Aquinas in the way he referred to central banking as an "unnatural" thing in its very conception. "The business of banking ought to be simple," he wrote. "If it is hard it is wrong." If it is hard, the banker is either delegating poorly or has entangled his institution in complex transactions where it has no business. According to Bagehot, "Adventure is the life of commerce, but caution, I had almost said timidity, is the life of banking." Centralizing a society's cash reserves is complicated, reckless, and artificial:
In his ideas of company size, Bagehot harkened back to the 18th century rather than ahead to our own. To modern eyes, Bagehot is, as a factual matter, simply wrong. The natural tendency under free-market conditions is towards consolidation, and even monopoly. If you want small firms, you must protect them through government--whether this means Teddy Roosevelt-ian trust-busting, French-style subsidies to tobacconists, the EU's hounding of Microsoft, or the NIMBY anti-Wal-Mart campaigns aimed at preserving Mom-and-Pop stores. Bagehot sometimes contradicted himself on this point, noting also that "a large bank always tends to become larger, and a small one tends to become smaller," but his application of the word unnatural to a large central bank was frequent and must be taken as his settled view. It is curious that Bagehot, a contemporary of Marx, came to the opposite (and false) conclusion about how firms evolve. Where Bagehot would agree with Marx is in his belief that there is something predictably destabilizing about modern economies. You don't need banks to have a precarious economy, or one liable to speculation--Bagehot noted that there were no banks, as we would understand them, in 1720, at the time of the South Sea Bubble and the Mississippi Scheme. But modern banking is precarious by design. "In exact proportion to the power of this system is its delicacy," he wrote. "I should hardly say too much if I said its danger." The power, delicacy, and danger all have the same source. In fact they are just different names for the same thing: leverage. At the very opening of the book, Bagehot illustrates with exquisite simplicity how, at least in a boom economy, traders on margin can "harass and press upon, if they do not eradicate, the old capitalist." The old capitalist in question is the poor sap who believes all this stuff about neither-a-borrower-nor-a-lender-be and is foolish enough to be using his own cash:
Later, Bagehot showed that this need for leverage is no different for those selling money than it is for those selling dry goods. The banker can no more choose not to lend than the merchant can choose not to borrow:
In finance, once you can have leverage, you must have leverage. Once you have some leverage, getting more of it than your competitors is a matter of survival. And when governments and central banks debate whether to loosen or tighten up money, they face a constant clamor from the financial world to permit more leverage still. That is why, even in democracies, the instruments of monetary policy tend to be kept far from the influence of voters, and even hidden from view. Otherwise, credit tends to spiral. Bubbles result. Nothing could be more foolish than to assume that this process of spiraling speculation is unleashed by "greed," unless by greed you mean human nature. Credit spirals are a darker aspect of the world Adam Smith described in The Wealth of Nations and Bernard de Mandeville did in the Fable of the Bees. Just as society can be improved by the uncoordinated action of the selfishly motivated, an economy can collapse for reasons having nothing to do with anybody's cupidity. We should be moral in the way we think about money, but a credit system tends to make a mess of moral accounting. Bagehot described London's financial district as "a sort of standing broker between quiet saving districts of the country and the active employing districts." Decent, puritanical Suffolk farmers want to put their money in a safe place; Lancashire entrepreneurs want money to put to work. Thanks to London bankers, both can follow their wishes and make a profit in the process. We have an idea that the Suffolk dairyman is the "moral" party here (he's saving) and the Lancashire speculator the "immoral" one (he's gambling). But, once a banking system intervenes, they are both gambling and they are both saving. In good times you are welcome to mouth the folkloric cliché that holds farmers to be better people than financiers. When depression looms, you had better realize that the rain falls on the just and the unjust. Many Americans who have wound up underwater on their houses and maxed out on their credit cards are greedy, climbing, brand-intoxicated, materialistic shopaholics who thought the world owed them a living. But just as many of them are not. They are trapped, as surely as financial institutions are, in a system based on wild borrowing. Participation in this system is not exactly required, but it is not exactly optional, either. One's quality of life is determined not just by one's purchasing power but also by one's relative economic standing. Chagrin at seeing one's neighbors get richer faster may be a sign of bad character, but do not for a minute assume there is nothing to feel chagrin about! When it comes to the very goods people deem most essential--the proper mate; the schooling of one's children; the size, location, elegance, and comfort of one's house--relative standing is more important than absolute wealth. Those who kept their money in savings banks in the 1990s lost out to those who did things we are supposed to disapprove of, like "spending money they didn't have," borrowing profligately to invest in stocks and even bonds, which appreciated at an average of 15 percent a year over the decade. Among rich people, how one entered the present decade had more to do with how one had done in the stock market than with how one had done in the labor market. Is that just? Of course it's not! It's easy to see now. But while the boom was going on there was all sorts of rationalizing about why it was okay that the social hierarchy should be reordered through stock and housing speculation. One line of argument was that people who did not have a ton of money in stocks, as well as those who rented rather than bought the houses they lived in, were foolish. This line of argument peaked at the turn of the decade, when Americans elected a president who had argued that the public was foolish for not launching its retirement savings onto the open seas of the stock market. Bagehot saw that a speculative mania eventually sweeps up everyone in its path. "Every great crisis reveals the excessive speculations of many houses which no one before suspected," he wrote, "and which commonly indeed had not begun or had not carried very far those speculations, till they were tempted by the daily rise of price and the surrounding fever." Avaricious people get hurt, but it is in the nature of crashes that they are not the ones who get hurt most. A tragic figure present in almost every historic account of speculation and collapse in history is the person who believed, year after year, that the boom was an illusion, and held himself aloof until, at the very last minute, whether out of self-doubt or deference to the opinions of his fellow man, he entered the fray and was (having bought at the top, rather than the bottom, of the market) wiped out. What a wicked irony! His punishment is as much for his long and wise forbearance as for his momentary weakness. So the "cultural contradictions of capitalism" run deeper than we thought. The classic idea, as laid out in their different ways by the economist Joseph Schumpeter and the sociologist Daniel Bell, is that capitalism rewards diligence; diligence produces wealth; wealth begets idleness; and idleness undermines capitalism. But when, as now, push comes to shove, we can ask whether there is really anything particularly capitalist about the virtues of diligence and self-restraint. The real capitalist virtues appear to be optimism and luck. From a central-banking perspective, the cultural contradictions are not results of capitalism but elements of it. The problem with central banking is that it reacts to a system that has been mismanaged by rewarding the managers. That is why objections to central banking, although they can come from the right (Ron Paul, Jim Bunning) or the left (Barney Frank, William Greider), tend to be populist. Bagehot was no populist. He was comfortable with the idea that what some people think should be more important than what other people think:
Although he would surely fault Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson for many things, the criticism most often heard at present--that Paulson is too close to former colleagues on Wall Street, where he worked for years as CEO of Goldman Sachs--would strike Bagehot as misplaced. Because it is on Wall Street, alas, that "the state of credit" is to be determined:
To be blunt, credit is successfully reestablished when financial elites say, "When." Credit is close to a synonym for the mood of the ruling class. To say an economy is based on credit is to say it is based on animal mysteries. Glamour, prestige, élan, sprezzatura, cutting a figure . . . that is what the economy is made of. It is a rather terrifying thought. Viewed as Bagehot viewed it, from the perspective of a central bank in a crisis, an advanced economy looks an awful lot like a primitive economy." |
"Loyal readers, please take a moment to check out Gretchen Morgenson’s column this week. She’s taken a close look at the buyout of Bear Stearns organized by the Federal Reserve, and she has come to an intriguing conclusion: that the Fed not only wanted to prevent financial havoc - it also wanted to deter speculators who were betting on big banks to fail.
Adherents of the Walter Bagehot school of central banking - and I have been among them at times - have cried foul at the sight of big bailouts and the granting of emergency credit at low interest rates. The Bagehot argument is that emergencies that arise from the risks that banks have chosen to take should not be treated with overwhelming sympathy. Emergency credit should be offered, yes, but at rates that will make banks think twice about using the safety net again. That’s not the case this time around (neither in the United States nor in Britain, and probably not in Europe either by the time the folks in Brussels are finished), so the central banks may be telling financial institutions that they can take silly risks without fear of disaster.
But if Morgenson is right, there is a long-term purpose here, too: to reduce the winnings of those who bet on failure, and thus to reduce the incentives to bring that failure to pass. And let’s face it, the speculators aren’t operating in a vacuum; their bets can start to snowball with market sentiment, as they did against Lehman Brothers last week. Still, the Bagehot argument (often called moral hazard) is also a powerful one - which one do you agree with?"
Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke, who has read his Bagehot and kept a copy in his Princeton office when he was a professor, responded to recent developments first by pumping money into the markets through the New York Fed’s open-market operations and then last week by easing the terms on loans to banks from the Fed’s discount window.
Bagehot (pictured at right) still makes for good reading at times like this.
“What is wanted and what is necessary to stop a panic is to diffuse the impression, that though money may be dear, still money is to be had. If people could be really convinced that they could have money if they wait a day or two, and that utter ruin is not coming, most likely they would cease to run in such a mad way for money. Either shut the Bank at once, and say it will not lend more than it commonly lends, or lend freely, boldly, and so that the public may feel you mean to go on lending. To lend a great deal, and yet not give the public confidence that you will lend sufficiently and effectually, is the worst of all policies; but it is the policy now pursued.”
Robert Feldman, Morgan Stanley’s chief economist for Japan, writes in a note today that it’s key to distinguish between internal discredit — private domestic lenders retreating — and external discredit, which Bagehot defined as a foreign drain on a bank’s money. (Bagehot’s solution to the problem of external discredit is to still lend freely but “at very high rates.”) That doesn’t apply in today’s floating rate system, Feldman says, and exchange rates don’t provide a good substitute, with the dollar’s drop against the yen suggesting we have external discredit while the strengthening against the euro saying we don’t.
Feldman writes: “My view is that the modern counterpart of ‘external discredit’ is moral hazard. The credit of the U.S. IS a problem, since no one knows how big the subprime and related housing market problems really are. Given how poorly banks know their clients, the ‘high rates’ part should come into play. There is no way to re-establish confidence unless those who have made loans to questionable borrowers pay a price for rash lending. Only then will markets regain confidence that risk is under control.
“The next stage of the credit problem — and whether it affects the real economy seriously — depend on eliminating the moral hazard,” Feldman says. “The faster the moral hazard in eliminated, the less impact on the real economy.”
Fed officials are acutely aware of the moral hazard, having resisted action for weeks to not be seen as bailing out risky investments. But they also don’t want a crisis to feed on itself. The Fed stressed its statement, in lowering the discount rate for banks, that it would accept “a broad range of collateral…including home mortgages and related assets.” The central bank sought to reassure a market that had been roiled by risky investments in subprime mortgages.
That’s how the Bank of England halted a panic in 1825, as Bagehot recounts: “A panic, in a word, is a species of neuralgia, and according to the rules of science you must not starve it. The holders of the cash reserve must be ready not only to keep it for their own liabilities, but to advance it most freely for the liabilities of others. They must lend to merchants, to minor bankers, to ‘this man and that man,’ whenever the security is good. In wild periods of alarm, one failure makes many, and the best way to prevent the derivative failures is to arrest the primary failure which causes them. The way in which the panic of 1825 was stopped by advancing money has been described in so broad and graphic a way that the passage has become classical. ‘We lent it,’ said Mr. Harman, on behalf of the Bank of England, ‘by every possible means and in modes we had never adopted before; we took in stock on security, we purchased Exchequer bills, we made advances on Exchequer bills, we not only discounted outright, but we made advances on the deposit of bills of exchange to an immense amount, in short, by every possible means consistent with the safety of the Bank, and we were not on some occasions over-nice. Seeing the dreadful state in which the public were, we rendered every assistance in our power.’ After a day or two of this treatment, the entire panic subsided, and the ‘City’ was quite calm.”
"Bagehot advocated in 1873 that a Lender of Last Resort in a crisis should lend at a penalty rate to solvent but illiquid banks that have adequate collateral. The doctrine has been criticised as having no place in our modern interbank market, but this is wrong. Bagehot’s prescription aims to eliminate the coordination problem of investors at the base of the crisis. It is still a useful guide for action when the interbank market stalls.1 It makes clear that discount-window lending to entities in need may be necessary in a crisis.
Bagehot's doctrine, however, is easy to state and hard to apply. It requires the central bank to distinguish between institutions that are insolvent and those that are merely illiquid. It also requires them to assess the collateral offered. Central banks, because of information limitations, are bound to make mistakes, losing face and money in the process. This doesn’t mean they should not try.
Poor collateral versus massive liquidity
The collateral should be valued under “normal circumstances”, that is, in a situation where the coordination failure of investors does not occur. This involves a judgment call in which the central bank values the illiquid assets. A central bank that only takes high quality collateral will be safe, but will have to inject much more liquidity and/or set lower interest rates to stabilise the market. This may fuel future speculative behavior. Some of this may have happened in the Greenspan era, in the aftermath of the crisis in Russia and LTCM, and after the crash of the technological bubble. The ECB and the Federal Reserve have accepted now partially illiquid collateral that the market would not. This seems appropriate and releases pressure to lower interest rates to solve the problem, something that should be done only if there are signs of deterioration in the real economy. The problem is that central banks are extending the lender of last resort facility outside the realm of traditional banks to entities, like Bear Stearns, that they do not supervise and, therefore, over which they do not have first hand information. How does the Fed know whether Bear Stearns or other similar institutions are solvent? It seems that the Fed is not following Bagehot’s doctrine here.
Finally, if banks and investors are bailed out now, why should they be careful next time? This is the moral hazard problem: help to the market that is optimal once the crisis starts has perverse effects in the incentives of market players at the investment stage. The issue is that only when the moral hazard problem is moderate does it pay to eliminate completely the coordination failure of investors with central bank help. When the moral hazard problem is severe, a certain degree of coordination failure of investors - that is, allowing some crises - is optimal to maintain discipline when investing and, amending Bagehot, some barely solvent institutions should not be helped."
To repeat Bagehot's Rule: "very large (domestic) loans at very high rates are the best remedy for the worst malady of the money market when a foreign drain is added to a domestic drain." The Fed, and the U.S. government more generally, have so far got it only half right."
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m2751/is_56/ai_55015114/pg_6"In a number of recent blog contributions, we have sketched the role of a modern central bank as ‘market maker of last resort’ (MMLR). This MMLR is the analogue, in a world where intermediation is increasingly through financial markets, to Bagehot’s lender of last resort (LOLR) in a world where most intermediation took place through banks (see e.g. Willem H. Buiter and Anne C. Sibert “The Central Bank as the Market Maker of last Resort: From lender of last resort to market maker of last resort"; Willem H. Buiter “Central banks as market makers of last resort, again”; Willem H. Buiter and Anne C. Sibert “A missed opportunity for the Fed”).
The market maker of last resort function can be fulfilled in two ways. First, the central bank can make outright purchases and sales of a wider range of securities than they currently do. Second, central banks can accept a wider range of securities as collateral in repos, and in collateralised loans and advances at the discount window than they currently do. Following Bagehot’s rule, the MMLR should buy these securities outright or accept them as collateral only on terms that would imply a stiff financial penalty to the owner. The central bank of course already applies a liquidity ‘haircut’ even to liquid instruments offered as collateral in repos or at the discount window. Because the MMLR would have to establish a buying price ‘in the dark’, that is, unaided by recent relevant market prices, and would inevitably take on much more credit risk than central banks have become accustomed to, the ‘haircuts’ should be severe – a financial version of ‘short back and sides’.I doubt a week has gone by since last summer during which I haven't seen some pundit or other trot out Walter Bagehot's dictum that in the event of a credit crunch, the central bank should lend freely at a penalty rate. More often than not, this is contrasted with the actions of the Federal Reserve, which seems to be lending freely at very low interest rates.
Ben Bernanke, in a speech today, addressed this criticism directly:
What are the terms at which the central bank should lend freely? Bagehot argues that "these loans should only be made at a very high rate of interest". Some modern commentators have rationalized Bagehot's dictum to lend at a high or "penalty" rate as a way to mitigate moral hazard--that is, to help maintain incentives for private-sector banks to provide for adequate liquidity in advance of any crisis. I will return to the issue of moral hazard later. But it is worth pointing out briefly that, in fact, the risk of moral hazard did not appear to be Bagehot's principal motivation for recommending a high rate; rather, he saw it as a tool to dissuade unnecessary borrowing and thus to help protect the Bank of England's own finite store of liquid assets. Today, potential limitations on the central bank's lending capacity are not nearly so pressing an issue as in Bagehot's time, when the central bank's ability to provide liquidity was far more tenuous.
I'm no expert on Walter Bagehot, and in fact I admit I've never read Lombard Street. But I'll trust in Bernanke as an economic historian on this one, unless and until someone else makes a persuasive case that Bagehot's penalty rate really was designed to punish the feckless rather than just to preserve the Bank of England's limited liquidity."
"So, we have, what I will call "Grant's Graham For Investing":
1) Decent Size
2) Current Assets Exceed Liabilities By Two Times
3) 10 Continuous Years Of Profit
4) 20 Continuous Years Of Dividends
5) 10 Years Of Earnings Growth Exceeding 33%
6) Price To Earnings Ratio Less Than 15
7 ) Price To Book Ratio Less Than 1.5"The Government will succumb and will lend taxpayers' money to non-financial companies.
In a way, there's no choice, because we'll be hobbled for years as an economy if our few remaining manufacturers and exporters are wiped out."
"Trader's Narrative's Due Diligence":
"The process of investigation undertaken by an party to gather material information on actual or potential risks involved in a financial transaction or relationship."– Jean Améry, At the Mind's Limits, p. 94
94. But I did not get my picture of the world by satisfying myself of its correctness; nor do I have it because I am satisfied of its correctness. No: it is the inherited background against which I distinguish between true and false.
95. The propositions describing this world-picture might be part of a kind of mythology. And their role is like that of rules of a game; and the game can be learned purely practically, without learning any explicit rules.
96. It might be imagined that some propositions, of the form of empirical propositions, were hardened and functioned as channels for such empirical propositions as were not hardened but fluid; and that this relation altered with time, in that fluid propositions hardened, and hard ones became fluid.
97. The mythology may change back into a state of flux, the river-bed of thoughts may shift. But I distinguish between the movement of the waters on the river-bed and the shift of the bed itself; though there is not a sharp division of the one from the other.
98. But if someone were to say "So logic too is an empirical science" he would be wrong. Yet this is right: the same proposition may get treated at one time as something to test by experience, at another as a rule of testing.
99. And the bank of that river consists partly of hard rock, subject to no alteration or only to an imperceptible one, partly of sand, which now in one place now in another gets washed away, or deposited.
100. The truths which Moore says he knows, are such as, roughly speaking, all of us know, if he knows them.
The landmarks are gone. Nevertheless
There is something familiar about
this country.
Slowly now we begin to recall
The terrible whispers of our elders
Falling softly about our ears
In childhood, never believed till now.
"In camp too, a man might draw the attention of a comrade working next to him to a nice view of the setting sun shining through the tall trees of the Bavarian woods (as in the famous water color by Dürer), the same woods in which we had built an enormous, hidden munitions plant. One evening, when we were already resting on the floor of our hut, dead tired, soup bowls in hand, a fellow prisoner rushed in and asked us to run out to the assembly grounds and see the wonderful sunset. Standing outside we saw sinister clouds glowing in the west and the whole sky alive with clouds of ever-changing shapes and colors, from steel blue to blood red. The desolate grey mud huts provided a sharp contrast, while the puddles on the muddy ground reflected the glowing sky. Then, after minutes of moving silence, one prisoner said to another, 'How beautiful the world could be!'