Showing posts with label Small Banks. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Small Banks. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 13, 2009

use bailout money repaid by large banks to support additional capital infusions for smaller banks

TO BE NOTED: From the NY Times:

"
U.S. to Use Bailout Repayments to Aid Small Banks

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Obama administration said Wednesday that it would use bailout money repaid by large banks to support additional capital infusions for smaller banks.

The Treasury secretary Timothy F. Geithner said in his comments that the repayment proceeds expected from some of the largest banks would be used “to reopen the application window” for banks with assets under $500 million.

In remarks to the annual meeting of the Independent Community Bankers of America, Mr. Geithner said the window for applying or reapplying, and the deadline for small banks to form a holding company to participate in the program would be open for six months."

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

if we could issue debt like the biggies, we’d get a guarantee but of course small banks can’t economically do that

TO BE NOTED: From The Big Picture:

"How the Bailouts Screw Smaller Banks

Posted By Barry Ritholtz On May 12, 2009 @ 9:57 am In Bailouts, Corporate Management, Credit | 81 Comments

Front page story of today’s NYT [1] discusses the small, well managed, profitable, risk averse banks.

Indeed, as Chris Whalen has so frequently noted, the vast majority of banks in the United States are Triple A by his standards. Its just that these 6,500 banks hold a minority of the total deposits in the nation, with biggest dozen or so banks sitting on 65% or so.

Talk about burying the lead: The Times also noted — in the very last paragraphs — how the big incompetent banks and their very pricey bailouts are screwing these small healthy banks:

“At DeMotte [State Bank, an 11-branch operation in the northwest part of Indiana, Bank President] Mr. Goetz is bracing for a steep increase in a crucial overhead cost: the bill from the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, which is basically an insurance fund underwritten by banks.

Last year, DeMotte paid $42,000 into the fund. This year, because of failures in other parts of the country and particularly among national banks, that sum will rise to $500,000 or more.

“Isn’t that the American way?” he says, folding his arms. “Whoever is left standing, whoever was prudent, is always the one who has to pick up the pieces.”

Thus, yet another reason why these bailouts are so absurd: They punish the risk averse and reward the irresponsible . . .

UPDATE, May 12, 2009 10:20am

I emailed William Dunkleberg, who is chairman of Liberty Bell Bank, in Cherry Hill NJ. It has 4 branches, runs the bank conservatively, (i.e., only makes loans to people who will pay them back). The FDIC bill more than doubled to $400k range, basically wiping out profits for this year.

Bill writes:

“They ask us to build capital, lend more, but steal all the “material” we would use to do exactly that! And who wants to buy our shares when we keep reporting virtually no earnings even tho we grow 30%!! and have no unusual loan problems! Last year, FDIC also made us (and thousands of others I am sure) add a few hundred thousand to loan loss reserves. We wont lose the money, so eventually get it back, but this clobbers earnings. Then, adding insult to injury, Ben Bernake takes 500bps off of prime, with a third of our loans tied to prime. I have to write letters to our savers saying “because mega banks need cheap money, I have to cut the rate we pay you on your savings”.

More screwing of the little ones in the economy, little banks, little savers! Why do we have to pay for the big bad banks who finance their assets with 25 cents of domestic deposits on the $1 while we have to use $1 of domestic deposits and pay insurance on that? I guess if we could issue debt like the biggies, we’d get a guarantee but of course small banks can’t economically do that. We can’t permanently keep a block of free federal funds on the balance sheet. So, we don’t have that “cheap money” to boost our profits. Gave a talk to Haverford Trust people yesterday and several in attendance were investors in and/or attended little bank board meetings and report the same hits on profits. bummer!

>

Source:
We’re Dull, Small Banks Say, but Have Profits [1]
DAVID SEGAL
May 12, 2009
http://www.nytimes.com/2009/05/12/business/12small.html"

Monday, May 11, 2009

Whoever is left standing, whoever was prudent, is always the one who has to pick up the pieces

TO BE NOTED: From the NY Times:

"
We’re Dull, Small Banks Say, and Have Profit to Show for It

INDIANAPOLIS — It’s unlikely that any group of professionals is happier to highlight the dullness of their work than small-town bankers.

At a recent conference held here by the Indiana Bankers Association, attendees said it over and over: our business is plodding and boring and we would not have it any other way.

“Banking should not be exciting,” said Clay W. Ewing, president of retail financial services at German American Bancorp, a community bank in Jasper. “If banking gets exciting, there is something wrong with it.”

It is an ethos squarely at odds with the risk-addicted style of megabanks, like Citigroup and Bank of America, that trafficked in the subprime mortgages and complex financial products that helped drive the country into the grimmest recession in decades.

But to the deep chagrin of Mr. Ewing and others at the conference, the public, politicians and the media have made little distinction between the stress-tested behemoths and the 7,630 community banks across the country — the vast majority of which have watched the crisis like bystanders at a 10-car pileup.

As a result, community bankers have felt compelled in recent months to mount public relations campaigns to emphasize their fiscal health and in some cases to announce they rejected Troubled Asset Relief Program, or TARP, funds. Some have held cookouts, others have held “reassurance” meetings in their lobbies, hoping to educate customers and prevent panics. All are dealing with banker jokes and the occasional wisecrack.

“I was on vacation in California and this guy I had just met said, ‘So, traveling on that bailout money, huh?’ ” said Blake Heid, of First Option Bank in Paola, Kan., which didn’t take any bailout money. “I didn’t find that very amusing.”

Though they greatly outnumber the national and regional banks, community banks have barely registered in any of the fallout from the credit crisis, in part because they hold less than 10 percent of the $13.8 trillion in bank assets nationwide.

The 50 or so bank failures have been largely clustered in a few states, like Florida, Arizona and California, where the bursting housing bubble had the greatest impact.

In states like Indiana, where property values never soared, community banks have been rock solid. The last failure in the state was in 1992.

To spend time with these Indiana community bankers is to step into an alternate universe, where everything sounds a little strange because it makes perfect sense. You hear things like, “If you don’t understand the risk you’re taking, don’t take it.” And, “We want to be around for decades, so we’re not focused on the next quarter.”

Forget “too big to fail.” These banks consider themselves too small to risk embarrassment. They are run by people who grew up in the towns where they work, and their main fear is getting into a financial jam that will shame them in the eyes of their neighbors.

The steep profits earned by national banks didn’t turn their heads in the last decade because they were inherently skeptical of double-digit growth rates.

“We like a nice, gentle, upward slope,” said Donald E. Goetz, the president of DeMotte State Bank, an 11-branch operation in the northwest part of Indiana.

“This kind of growth, like you see in the stock market” — Mr. Goetz ran his hand through the air, tracing the shape of a mountain range — “that doesn’t interest us.”

One recent morning Mr. Goetz gave a tour of his bank, which included a bulletin board with fliers for a fire department fish fry and the Kankakee Valley Women’s Club flower sale.

There is a lot of bric-a-brac in his wood-paneled office and a Thomas Kinkade painting of a green-gabled stone house after a snow fall, titled the “Olde Porterfield Gift Shoppe.”

“There is one set of footprints, going in,” he said, pointing to the painting. “That’s how we feel as a business sometime. We’re walking alone.”

Mr. Goetz, who was wearing a tie and a short-sleeve shirt, started as a teller at DeMotte right after he graduated from college in 1976, and he’s been president since 1988. He is a stolid guy who, when asked what he does for fun, offered two words: “Yard work.”

He sounds somewhat aggrieved. His bank, which opened in 1917, didn’t make any subprime loans, nor did it take any bailout money. Even when bank stocks were soaring, not one of his 246 shareholders needled him to earn more than the 3 to 4 percent dividend that DeMotte has generated for years.

Still, he’s had to train employees in the art of assuaging the fears of jittery customers. He programmed the blinking signs outside his branches to read “Safe, Strong, Secure.”

Despite these efforts, he’s fielded some customer calls at night, to his home. In rare cases, people withdrew their savings.

“We had three or four people panic,” he said. “A couple of them said, ‘It’s not the bank. We just don’t trust the government.’ And I told them, ‘If the government fails, the money you’re taking out of this bank won’t be worth anything.’ ”

Mr. Goetz, like a lot of his competitors, is livid about the mortgage shenanigans born of the securitization craze. But he thinks his public relations problem had many authors.

“The media, Congress, the president, everyone just keeps saying ‘the banks, the banks, the banks,’ like we’re all the same thing,” he said. “Well, we’re not all the same thing.”

Explaining that distinction has been especially challenging for community banks that signed up for TARP funds, which initially were pitched by the government as a way to shore up healthy banks. Only later, after the American International Group bonus fiasco, community bankers say, did the TARP acquire a stigma.

“We heard a lot of smart-alecky comments,” said James C. Latta, president of the Idaho Banking Company in Boise, Idaho, which took $6.9 million in TARP funds. “A lot of ‘Wish I had a bailout.’ ”

At DeMotte, Mr. Goetz is bracing for a steep increase in a crucial overhead cost: the bill from the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, which is basically an insurance fund underwritten by banks.

Last year, DeMotte paid $42,000 into the fund. This year, because of failures in other parts of the country and particularly among national banks, that sum will rise to $500,000 or more.

“Isn’t that the American way?” he says, folding his arms. “Whoever is left standing, whoever was prudent, is always the one who has to pick up the pieces.”

Wednesday, April 15, 2009

An obvious mechanism (apart from aggressive anti-trust policy) is to tax bank size.

TO BE NOTED: From Willem Buiter:

"Ruminations on banking

April 15, 2009 4:41pm

(1) The autodafé of the unsecured creditors is coming to a US bank near you

A binding budget constraint sure concentrates the mind, even for the US Treasury. There is just one way to make the US government’s policy towards the banks work. That is for the Congress to vote another $1.5 trillion worth of additional TARP money for the banks - $1 trillion to buy the remaining toxic assets off their balance sheets, and $0.5 trillion worth of additional capital. The likelihood of the US Congress voting even a nickel in additional financial support for the banks is zero.

There is no real money left in the original $700 bn TARP facility - somewhere between $ 100 bn and 150 bn - to do more than stabilise a couple of pawn shops. The Treasury has been playing for time by raiding the resources of the FDIC (which, apart from the meagre insurance premiums it collects, has no resources other than what the Treasury grants it) and of the Fed. The Fed has taken an open position in private credit risk to the tune of many hundreds of billions of dollars. Before this crisis is over, its exposure to private sector default risk could be counted in trillions of dollars.

In addition to looking for money in off-budget and off-balance sheet places (and out of sight of Congress), the US Treasury has also tried to hide true extent of the problems of the US banks. I addition to supporting the FASB’s recent proposals for increasing managerial discretion as to the way illiquid assets are accounted for (that is, condoning the issuance of another license to lie), the Treasury appears to be using the ‘Stress Tests’ announced as part of the Financial Stability Plan, as a mechanism to play for time and gamble for resurrection.[1] I base this on what I have been picking up about the reality of these Stress Tests.

1. The actual decline of the real economy thus far is already steeper and deeper than assumed in the Stress Tests.

2. The Stress Tests focus on the 40% of the banks’ balance sheets consisting of securities, rather than on the 60% consisting of conventional loans. The securities (including the toxic waste) is where most of the old problems of the banking sector are concentrated, that is the problems incurred as a result of the pre-August 2007 speculative frenzy. The loan book contains the stuff that will go bad as a result of the steep and deep contraction in real economic activity the US has been in since Q4, but that will not show up in the banks’ reports until this summer at the earliest.

3. The bulk of the information provided to the authorities by the banks is private information to the banks that is virtually impossible to verify independently. Too many banks have lied about their exposure too many times for me to feel confident about the quality of the information the banks have been providing as part of these Stress Tests.

As a result I now expect a clean bill of health for the banks from the Stress Tests. For most banks this will turn out to be incorrect before the end of the year. At that point, the de facto insolvency of much of the US border-crossing banking system will become so self-evident, that even the joint and several obfuscation of banks and Treasury will be unable to deny the obvious. There still will be no fiscal resources available to sanitise the banks’ balance sheets by purchasing or guaranteeing the old toxic assets and new bad assets.

At that point, only the ‘good bank solution’, which requires either a serious hair cut for unsecured creditors or a mandatory conversion of debt into equity will be viable, simply because the bad bank solution requires additional public money which isn’t there. (You creating a new good bank out of the assets of the old bank and the insured deposits and counterparty claims on the old bank, leaving the unsecured creditors of the old bank with a claim on the equity in the new good bank; a bad bank requires funds to buy the toxic and bad assets from the old bank and addition resources to capitalise the bad bank).

We will have wasted a lot of time - the good bank solution and the slaughter of the unsecured creditors should have been pursued actively as soon as it became clear that most of the US border-crossing banking system was insolvent, but for past, present and anticipated future tax payer support. If the Treasury can be pushed into a pro-active policy by declaring, just before the beginning of the weekend, that most of the banks undergoing the Stress Test have failed them and moving these wonky institutions straight into the FDIC’s special resolution regime where they can be restructured according to the good bank model, we could have well-capitalised banks capable of new lending and borrowing by the beginning of next week.

The same policy should be pursued wherever banks have failed: it never makes sense to put the interests of the unsecured creditors before those of the tax payers. It is bad economics in the short run and in the long run. And it is political poison. I fear, however, that only in those countries where there is no fiscal spare capacity (as in the US, for political reasons or in Iceland, for economic reasons), the right solution to bank restructuring will be adopted. Elsewhere the unsecured creditors will continue to feed off the carcases of the tax payers and the beneficiaries of public spending programs that will have to be sacrificed to foot the bill.

(2) Too big to fail means too big

No country should ever find itself in position of Iceland, with systemically important banks or other financial institutions that are too large to save. The fiscal spare capacity of the government (its ability to raise future primary (non-interest) surpluses has to be sufficient to take care of any possible solvency gap in the systemically important part of their financial institutions.

If the too big to save problem can be resolved rather easily, the too big to fail issue has been with us for so long that one assumes there must be powerful forces sustaining large and complex financial institutions. The assumption is correct, but these forces are political, not economic or efficiency-related. Economies of scale for banks are exhausted well before a balance sheet size of $100 bn is achieved. Synergies between commercial banking and investment banking activities are essentially non-existent. The multiplication of products and services offered and of roles played by a financial institution can be privately profitable, because it allows the exploitation of the gains from conflicts of interest. Chinese walls, the industry’s answer to potential conflicts of interests, are aptly named. The Great Wall of China never kept the barbarians out or the Chinese in. Chinese Walls in banks, auditing companies, rating agencies and other financial enterprises don’t stop any information that is commercially profitable from getting across the boundaries. Financial supermarkets lose focus and ultimately become Citigroup - a conglomeration of worst-practice from across the financial spectrum.

There is no ‘too interconnected-to-fail’ problem separate from the ‘too-big-to-fail’ problem. I can be infinitely interconnected. If I operate on a small scale, I and my interconnections are immaterial from a systemic stability perspective.

Banks and other financial supermarkets want to be large for two reasons. The first is monopoly power. This causes banks to want to be large in any specific activity. It’s common to every industry and to all human activity. That’s what we ought to have anti-trust or pro-competition policies for. The second reason is that financial supermarkets can shelter non-systemically important profitable operations under the heavily subsidised public umbrella provided by the state to a few systemically important operations (deposit taking, payment, clearing and settlement systems, counterparty and custodial services) though lender-of-last-resort support (provided by the central bank) and through recapitaliser-of-last-resort support (provided by the Treasury).

There is no economic reason for large banks. Therefore banks should be kept small. An obvious mechanism (apart from aggressive anti-trust policy) is to tax bank size. One way to do this is through making regulatory capital requirements increasing in the size of the bank’s activities. For instance, tier one capital as a share of (unweighted) assets could be made an increasing function of the value of the assets. Gary Becker has made a similar proposal.

Governments everywhere should be focusing on breaking up banks and keeping them small. If some banking activity (or indeed any other economic activity) is deemed to have a minimum optimum scale that is makes it too large to fail, it should be publicly owned. Small is beautiful for banks.

(3) The repatriation of cross-border banking

Even if we agree that a particular bank or other financial institution is too large to fail, as soon as there are multiple fiscal authorities and border-crossing banks, there remains the unanswered question as to who should bail it out. The host country fiscal authority? The home country fiscal authority? Both together through some ex-ante or ex-post negotiated sharing rule? A dedicated supranational fiscal authority?

Recent events have made it clear that, as my colleague Charles Goodhart puts it, international financial institutions are international in life, but national in death. Any systemically important financial institution has to be backed by a central bank (for short-term liquidity support) and by a Treasury or ministry of finance (for recapitalisation and other long-term financial support when insolvency is the issue). If both your liquidity and your solvency are publicly insured or guaranteed (at highly subsidised rates), you need to be regulated and supervised, lest you be tempted to take insane risks.

This means that conventional border-crossing banks and other systemically important financial institutions will become a thing of the past. We will not see the kind of cross-border branch banks that we have seen during the past decades for very much longer. These foreign branches are not independently capitalised, have no independent, ring-fenced sources of liquidity, are often effectively managed from the home country (the country of the parent bank), are regulated and supervised by the home country regulator and supervisor, with lender-of-last-resort support (if any) from the home country central bank and fiscal support (if any) from the home country Treasury.

In the European Union, the relevant sections of the financial services action plan are now dead and need to be replaced unless we (a) get a single European supervisor and regulator for border-crossing banks and other systemically important financial institutions and (5) create a supranational fiscal Europe capable of dealing with insolvency threats to border-crossing systemically important financial institutions. Without a single regulator-supervisor and a sufficiently developed ‘fiscal Europe’, the principles of mutual recognition and the “single passport”, a system which allows financial services operators legally established in one Member State to establish/provide their services in the other Member States without further authorisation requirements, will not be permitted to operate in the field of banking and other systemically important border-crossing financial institutions and products. Need I say Icesave? (for a further discussion of the issues involved see the paper by Charles Goodhart and Dirk Schoenmaker (2009), “Fiscal Burden Sharing in Cross-Border Banking Crises” International Journal of Central Banking, Vol. 5, No. 1, 141-165,

There will no doubt continue to be cross-border banking subsidiaries. These will, however, be independently capitalised. Their liquidity will not be pooled between parent and subsidiaries, but will have to be ring-fenced for each subsidiary. They will be regulated and supervised by the host country (as they often are today). Lender-of-last-resort support, if any, will be provided by the host country central bank (as it often is today) and fiscal support when insolvency threatens will be provided by the host country fiscal authority.

The reason for host country supervision and regulation is simple: the pain is local, so the control will have to be local. The reason for host-country bail-outs is even simpler: tax payers are national. They will not accept the use of their taxes in bail-outs of foreign shareholders, unsecured creditors and counterparties. The US authorities have been able to channel somewhere between $40 bn and $50 bn of US tax payers’ money to foreign counterparties of AIG, but that is unlikely to be the new status quo. They got away with it, thus far, because the foreign bail-outs by the US tax payer was hidden in obscure, indeed barely comprehensible financial transactions.

But we should not expect the US taxpayer to stand behind foreign subsidiaries of US banks and other systemically important US financial institutions, unless a convincing case can be made that there is a material direct US financial exposure. If all the parent has at stake in its foreign subsidiary is its equity in the subsidiary, the US tax payer will not bail out the foreign subsidiary. If the parent has further exposure, through parent-to-daughter loans, through the parent having invested in securities issued by the subsidiary or as a counterparty, there may come a point at which the financial exposure of the parent becomes sufficiently large to induce a response by the US tax payer. But given the current mood of the tax payer, I don’t expect to see rescues of foreign subsidiaries anytime soon.

The same applies to the UK and to other European countries with banks that have large foreign subsidiaries. I don’t expect the British government to bail out the foreign subsidiaries of RBS, Lloyd’s Group, Barclays or HSBC. I would expect the British government to look seriously at bailing out UK subsidiaries of foreign banks, should these be threatened with insolvency, especially if most of the substantive economic activity of these banks is in the UK. For instance (what follows is a pure hypothetical - I know of nothing that would lead me to question the financial soundness of Abbey), I would not expect the Spanish government ever to bail out Abbey (owned by the Spanish bank Santander), but I would expect the UK Treasury to show an active interest.

Individual parent banks may decide to try to rescue their foreign subsidiaries, even when the subsidiaries in question appear to have gone belly-up by normal commercial standards. An extreme example of this is HSBC - reported to have incurred losses estimated to be somewhere between $30 bn and $62 bn (accounting does not appear to be an exact science) on its US credit card issuer and subprime lender, Household Finance Corporation (HFC), now renamed HSBC Finance, which it acquired at the end of 2002. Even though HSBC announced, in March 2009, that it would shut down the branch network of its HSBC Finance subsidiary in the U.S, it is continuing to operate the HSBC Finance credit card arm.

HSBC could, in the opinion of many observers, have saved itself a bundle by cutting its losses and walking away from HFC when the scale of the subprime debacle became apparent late in 2007. There is a clear clash here between reputation and goodwill considerations on the one hand and throwing good money after bad on the other. This, however, is a matter for the shareholders and other stakeholders of HSBC and its management. It is a corporate governance problem. It is not a matter for the UK tax payers, unless HSBC’s HFC-related losses come to haunt it in the future and drive the parent into the arms of the UK tax payer after all. Should that happen, I hope the British authorities will take to heart all three of these ruminations.


[1] From the Treasury’s web site:

Forward Looking Assessment - Stress Test: A key component of the Capital Assistance Program is a forward looking comprehensive “stress test” that requires an assessment of whether major financial institutions have the capital necessary to continue lending and to absorb the potential losses that could result from a more severe decline in the economy than projected.

Requirement for $100 Billion-Plus Banks: All banking institutions with assets in excess of $100 billion will be required to participate in the coordinated supervisory review process and comprehensive stress test. “

Monday, April 13, 2009

Why? Because they can. And in the past they've wielded enough political power to prevent Congress from doing anything about it.

TO BE NOTED: From Mother Jones:

"
Big Banks

Ezra Klein writes that big banks are bad for small depositors:

They're about the pros rather than the amateurs. Which may be why they're so cavalier about exacting fees and penalties on individual depositors at levels they'd never consider applying to professional markets. Indeed, pretty good research suggests that as banks get bigger — which tends to mean more competitive on the global financial market — they begin charging consumers more.

This seems to be true. Take a look at the chart on the right from today's Wall Street Journal. It shows that banks receiving bailout funds have increased fees at a far higher rate than banks that haven't.

Does this show that banks receiving federal assistance are more likely to raise their fees and penalties? Of course not. This trend is nine years old. However, it's big banks that have received most of the TARP money, so you can pretty much replace "Banks receiving TARP funds" with "Big banks." So what the chart shows is that big banks have increased their fee and penalty structure far more than small banks.

Why? Because they can. And in the past they've wielded enough political power to prevent Congress from doing anything about it. If there's any justice — and needless to say, that's still an open question — those days are finally gone."

Monday, March 30, 2009

In today's economy, much of the flow of credit comes from lending that occurs outside of the banking system.

TO BE NOTED: From the WSJ:

"
Fedspeak Highlights: Duke on Strength of Smaller Banks

Much has been made about the problems with credit flows. But Federal Reserve governor Elizabeth Duke suggests in a speech today in Charlotte, N.C., that while a lot of attention has focused on the biggest banks, smaller institutions have boosted lending. Here are some highlights from her remarks:

Duke
Duke

Even though the total provision of financial intermediation services by banks remained high relative to other financial intermediaries and their on-balance-sheet financial intermediation services increased in the fourth quarter of 2008, it must be recognized that there are many types of banks in the United States with different specializations, geographic concentrations, and comparative advantages. Consequently, the extraordinary stress in the financial system, the downturn in the U.S. and global economies, and the associated reductions in asset values have affected each bank differently.

Much attention has been focused on the negative loan growth of the largest five bank holding companies in the fourth quarter of 2008–about negative 16 percent at an annual rate on a merger-adjusted basis. The next 20 largest bank holding companies had a notably smaller decrease in loans over the same period–about a negative 4-1/4 percent rate of decline–and other (smaller) bank holding companies increased their lending at about a 5 percent pace. This loan growth may reflect that smaller banks in strong financial condition are finding that they can gain creditworthy customers–even in the current economic environment–as other banks cut back on lending to conserve capital and liquidity. Smaller banks may also be finding opportunities to reclaim consumer and business customers from nonbank competitors who have pulled back as the securitization markets have dried up."

And:

Governor Elizabeth A. Duke

At the 13th Annual University of North Carolina Banking Institute, Charlotte, North Carolina

March 30, 2009

A Framework for Analyzing Bank Lending

In August 2008 I joined the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, leaving behind a 30-year career as a commercial banker to become a central banker. My time as a commercial banker spanned numerous business cycles. It also encompassed at least one severe financial system crisis, in the late 1980s through the early 1990s, albeit one that was not as severe as the current one. From my time as a commercial banker, I already understood the factors considered by bankers in the initial lending decision as well as those in loss mitigation when collecting those same loans. As a central banker, I have come to appreciate even more fully the role of credit in our economic well-being. So I thought it would be appropriate for me to provide my perspective on credit conditions in our economy and the current crisis.

Today, I would like to discuss a three-dimensional view of the flow of credit to households and businesses and describe the evolving role of banks in the U.S. economy. I will begin by taking a look at recent trends in aggregate borrowing by households and by the nonfinancial business sector. These trends will be placed in a historical context by looking back at previous booms and busts in the credit cycle. One might call this the "macroeconomic view" of credit. When looking at aggregate borrowing, it is important to remember that a change in debt outstanding can be driven by any one of three factors or, more commonly, a combination of all three. In the macroeconomic view of credit, I will discuss indicators related to changes in demand for credit. I will also examine two determinants of the supply of credit. The first determinant relates to lenders' assessment of the creditworthiness of borrowers given future economic conditions. The second relates to credit constraints caused by the financial condition of the lenders. Although fiscal and monetary policies that improve macroeconomic conditions will also boost the demand for credit and improve the creditworthiness of borrowers, if credit is constrained by the balance sheets of the banks, only programs to relieve such strain will improve credit availability. This condition is the reason for the injections of capital into banks through the Troubled Asset Relief Program, or TARP, and the financing provisions offered through the Public-Private Investment Program, or PPIP, as well as the expansion of Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) deposit and nondeposit guarantee programs.

Next, I will consider the providers of credit. Using the Federal Reserve's flow of funds data, I will look at the evolution from 1950 to 2008 in the market shares of financial intermediation for banks, thrifts, insurance companies, and "other" firms, which range from finance companies to the entities that issue asset-backed securities (ABS). Although these data could suggest that the importance of banks has significantly diminished, I will argue that it matters how we measure what banks have been doing. In particular, it is important to take into account the off-balance-sheet activities of banks when securitization became more pervasive and when it abruptly stopped. This "financial intermediation view" of credit, in my opinion, illustrates the importance of supporting the availability of all forms of lending, whether it be on-balance-sheet lending by banks, credit originated by banks and securitized and sold to investors, or credit supplied by nonbank lenders.

The Federal Reserve has long served as a lender to banks, providing them with liquidity to maintain lending in times of stress. Over the past year and a half, however, the Federal Reserve has greatly expanded its provision of liquidity, establishing facilities under which we auction term funding to banks on a secured basis, provide liquidity to primary dealers and money market mutual funds, and supply credit to issuers of commercial paper. In addition, through our purchases of agency debt and mortgage-backed securities, the Federal Reserve is lowering the cost of borrowing for mortgages as well as creating an outlet for loans that are originated by banks and nonbanks and securitized by the agencies.1 Most recently, the Federal Reserve, in conjunction with the Treasury, has established the Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility, or TALF, which uses capital provided by the Treasury in combination with liquidity provided by the Federal Reserve to enhance the availability of credit to households and businesses.

Because banks remain central to financial intermediation, they deserve a closer look, particularly during this time of financial-sector turmoil. In my discussion of the "banking view" of credit, I will summarize the current state of the banking industry. As you know, banks play a special role in just about every economy in the world, and the United States is no exception. Banks' liabilities are generally more liquid than their assets. They are also the main repositories of deposits, which provide immediately available liquidity to households and businesses and are used to undertake transactions for goods and services. In addition, banks provide intermediation between borrowers and savers. Indeed, banks remain the principal source of finance for a large part of the economy. Given these important and distinctive functions, it is, perhaps, obvious that adverse shocks to the financial system and the banking industry can have detrimental effects on economic activity. The current financial turbulence, like several similar events in the past, has placed severe strains on the U.S. banking system with serious repercussions for the economy as a whole.

The "Macroeconomic View" of Credit
Looking back over the past 50 years or so, credit extended to households and businesses has almost always declined just before, and during, economic downturns. And almost as often, a debate has ensued about whether the nation was in a "credit crunch."2 According to the White House Council of Economic Advisers, "a credit crunch occurs when the supply of credit is restricted below the range usually identified with prevailing market interest rates and the profitability of investment projects."3 Judging whether a credit crunch is happening in real time is not easy. It is extremely difficult to sort out the relative importance on the flow of credit of reduced demand due to weaker economic activity, reduced supply because borrowers appear less creditworthy, or reduced supply because lenders face pressures, such as a shortage of capital, that restrain them from extending credit. In other words, while demand considerations could certainly result in a decline in credit flows, a reduction in the supply of credit--caused either by bank balance sheet pressures or by banks reluctant to lend to less-creditworthy borrowers--could produce the same result.

Figure 1 presents annualized quarterly percent changes in debt growth for home mortgages in the United States from 1952 to 2008, with shaded areas denoting National Bureau of Economic Research recession periods. Strikingly, the quarterly rate of growth for home mortgage debt, which includes mortgages and drawn-upon home equity lines, has typically declined before and during each recession and then picked up when economic conditions improved. What is different this time around is the runoff in home mortgage debt: It declined in the fourth quarter for the first time in more than 50 years. The recent decline in mortgage debt was likely partly driven by weaker demand for housing amid rising unemployment and rapidly falling home prices.

It is equally likely that supply-side considerations have played a role. First, the run-up in mortgage delinquency rates and the higher loss rates associated with reductions in collateral values indicate that the creditworthiness of borrowers has declined. The unprecedented increase in mortgage defaults has resulted in more foreclosures and tighter mortgage lending terms, which are shown from 1990 onward in figure 2. Although the net fraction of banks tightening lending standards on mortgage loans was about 50 percent in our most recent Senior Loan Officer Opinion Survey on Bank Lending Practices, it should be noted that most banks had already tightened their lending standards substantially in 2008. Second, the shutdown of the private mortgage-backed securities market has placed greater pressures on bank balance sheets not only to provide credit to borrowers with damaged credit histories, but also to provide so-called jumbo mortgages that are originated in amounts that are over the conforming loan limits applicable to loans sold to or guaranteed by the government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs) Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac and by Ginnie Mae. Of course, credit provision to some borrowers was helped through mortgage insurance programs offered by the Federal Housing Administration, which were recently expanded by the Congress through increases in coverage levels. Similarly, other borrowers have been able to qualify for mortgages that became eligible for securitizations by the GSEs because of increases in conforming loan limits. Indeed, as the non-agency mortgage-backed security market contracted by roughly 15 percent in 2008, Ginnie Mae increased its outstanding supply of single-family mortgage-backed securities by roughly 33 percent. Even with the growth of such securitizations, banks still needed to expend some balance sheet capacity to warehouse loans on their books prior to securitization.4

In response to these supply-side developments, the Treasury, the FDIC, and the Federal Reserve have encouraged banks to work with existing borrowers to avoid preventable foreclosures.5 The Federal Reserve and the other banking agencies also have encouraged banking organizations to participate in the Treasury's Home Affordable Modification Program.6 Doing so should help to stem the runoff in mortgage debt and to damp the added downward pressure on house prices that can occur when neighborhoods have clusters of foreclosed properties. In addition, the Treasury's Capital Assistance Program, the FDIC's Temporary Liquidity Guarantee Program, and the Federal Reserve's programs to provide liquidity are intended to help ease the funding and balance sheet pressures banking organizations face, thereby allowing them to undertake responsible lending activities, including new mortgage originations.

I will now turn to nonmortgage consumer credit, which is shown in figure 3. The growth rate for consumer credit has been trending down, on balance, for years, but it remained quite robust until the latter half of last year. Indeed, consumer credit fell quite sharply in the fourth quarter. Looking back over the past 50 years, nonmortgage consumer credit typically weakens throughout a recession as labor markets deteriorate and often turns down even after the recession ends. Thus, history suggests that consumer credit growth will likely slow further in the near term; in addition, many banks have tightened terms and standards for nonmortgage consumer loans.

Turning to the business sector, and in particular the corporate sector, the major components of borrowing are bonds, commercial paper, commercial mortgages, and commercial and industrial bank loans. As shown in the left panel of figure 4, gross bond issuance for investment-grade firms increased in the fourth quarter of last year from a very weak third quarter and seems to have increased further in the first quarter of this year as firms appear to have strengthened their balance sheets by shifting toward longer-term debt. In contrast, speculative-grade bond issuance has remained sluggish.

In September 2008, nonfinancial corporations' commercial paper outstanding contracted (the black solid line in the right panel of figure 4), as money market mutual funds--ordinarily major investors in commercial paper--faced significant strains. Losses on Lehman Brothers paper led one prominent fund to "break the buck"--that is, to fail to maintain a net asset value of $1.00 a share--which undermined investor confidence in such funds and triggered significant withdrawals from funds that typically invest in private-sector debt. In response, the Treasury established an insurance program for money market mutual fund investors, and the Federal Reserve introduced new programs to provide liquidity to money market mutual funds. In addition, the Federal Reserve authorized the Commercial Paper Funding Facility to provide a liquidity backstop for U.S. issuers of commercial paper.7 These programs helped to restore confidence in money market mutual funds and improve the functioning of the commercial paper market. By early this year, the strains in the commercial paper market had eased notably.

The volume of bank lending in 2008 mirrored developments in the commercial paper market. In the fall, bank commercial and industrial lending surged for a time (the red dotted line in the right panel of figure 4), reportedly reflecting, in part, substantial draws on previously existing long-term lending commitments; then such lending contracted sharply as access to other sources of funding, such as commercial paper, improved. In this manner, bank loans provided at least a partial substitute for market-based funding until market functioning improved. That said, the growth rate for debt of nonfinancial businesses decreased sharply in 2008.

As shown in figure 5, debt growth for nonfinancial corporate businesses reached almost 15 percent at the peak of the business cycle in December 2007, but it was less than 3 percent by the end of 2008. Looking back, it is apparent that debt growth for nonfinancial corporate businesses can, and often does, decline sharply as the economy slows. During recessions, which are indicated in the figure by shading, debt growth has typically decreased and sometimes even become negative, such as during 1990-91. In part, such declines in debt growth are derived from declines in demand for the goods and services produced by nonfinancial firms. In addition, such declines reflect the ongoing tightening of lending standards that can result from the deterioration of the fundamentals that support lending.

Turning to commercial mortgage growth, figure 6 presents such data from the 1950s through 2008. As with the debt series plotted in previous charts, commercial mortgage growth typically drops off during a recession as retail sales slow and less office space is needed for workers. Especially striking is the prolonged contraction in commercial mortgages outstanding after the 1990-91 recession. Since the peak of the recent business cycle, commercial mortgage growth has slowed with each passing quarter. By the fourth quarter of 2008, its annualized growth was only about 1 percent.

The "Financial Intermediation View" of Credit
The commercial paper market example, which I briefly described earlier, highlights the fact that financial intermediaries can play an important safety-valve role for the financial system. When the commercial paper market suddenly dried up, financial intermediaries were able to fund firms that had unused lines of credit or other commitments.8 Moreover, the Federal Reserve, through its lending programs, contributed to improved conditions in the commercial paper market so that issuance of these short-term funding instruments could resume.

In today's economy, much of the flow of credit comes from lending that occurs outside of the banking system. Here again, it is useful to take a historical look at financial intermediation to better understand the potential effect on the availability of credit to households and businesses from the recent shutdowns in the securitization and commercial paper markets and to get a first glimpse at how financial intermediation markets responded.

Consider, for example, the shares of commercial mortgages outstanding--funded by depositories, insurance companies, other financial institution, and commercial mortgage-backed securities (CMBS)--presented in figure 7. The share funded by CMBS (the orange line) increased from almost nothing in 1990 to almost 30 percent in 2008. In an accounting sense, most of this increase in funding from the capital markets came at the expense of direct holdings of whole loans by insurance companies (the dashed green line) and other intermediaries (the black line), whose funding shares fell by half between 2000 and 2008. In contrast, depositories' share of commercial mortgages outstanding (the purple line) held steady from 1990 through 2007. In 2008, the decrease in the commercial mortgages funded by CMBS--the downtick of the orange line at the end of the sample--was offset by an increase in commercial mortgages funded by depositories--the uptick of the purple line. These data suggest that depositories increased their share of commercial mortgages as securitization markets stalled in 2008. Again, banks and other depositories served an important safety-valve function for the commercial mortgage market.

In figure 8, Federal Reserve flow of funds data are used to construct market shares of all financial intermediation provided by four major classes of institutions: banks, thrifts, insurance companies, and "other financial intermediaries," which range from finance companies to the entities that issue ABS.9 In 1950, banks' share of financial intermediation (the red line) was about 50 percent; it declined and then rose to about 48 percent in the mid-1970s, then it trended down to about 33 percent at the turn of the century. From the fourth quarter of 2007 to the fourth quarter of 2008, this measure of total financial intermediation grew by about 5 percent. At the same time, the banking system's share increased from 32.8 percent to 33.4 percent--a 0.6 percentage point increase in market share. Thrifts and insurance companies--represented by the blue solid and green dashed lines, respectively--had declines in their market shares in the fourth quarter of 2008.

In figure 9, the shares for banks and thrifts are combined so that there is a depositories' share of this measure of U.S. financial intermediation (the purple line). Comparing the purple line for the depositories' share with the black line for other financial intermediaries' share, it is apparent that these lines mirror one another. Although both of these shares equaled 40 percent in 2001, by the end of 2008, the other financial intermediaries' share had increased to 45 percent, but the depositories' share had decreased to 38 percent. Interestingly, the shares for other financial intermediaries and for depositories continued their respective upward and downward trends despite the disruptions in securitization and financial markets during 2008.

Turning back to banks, the standard market shares of financial intermediation reported in figures 8 and 9 neglect their off-balance-sheet activities. Such off-balance-sheet intermediation has generated considerable earnings for banks. For example, banks receive fees for lines of credit regardless of whether borrowers use the lines of credit. In addition, securitization activities have provided many benefits to banks. Even when banks have not securitized the loans, such as when mortgages were securitized by the GSEs, banks often originated and serviced the loans that were pooled and have earned fees in the process. If one adjusts the financial intermediation data for banks to include "credit equivalents" for the off-balance-sheet activities of banks, then the adjusted market share of financial intermediation for banks would remain above 40 percent in recent years.10 These adjusted financial intermediation data are shown using the red dashed line in figure 10.11 With the near shutdown in securitization markets, adjusted bank assets declined from almost 45 percent in fourth quarter 2007 to 42 percent in fourth quarter 2008. Even with this decline, however, banks' adjusted share of financial intermediation would be in the higher end of the range observed since the 1980s.

These adjusted financial intermediation data, however, do not tell the full story. Ideally, we also would want to adjust the data for all of the other financial intermediaries to include credit equivalents for their off-balance-sheet activities. Unfortunately, the data do not exist to make such an adjustment. Nor do the data generally exist to convert the fee income that financial intermediaries generate by off-balance-sheet activities into balance-sheet equivalents. That said, the adjusted flow of funds data suggest that banks have remained important financial intermediaries despite the growth (and disruption) in securitization activities and the arrival of new competitors.

The "Banking View" of Credit
Even though the total provision of financial intermediation services by banks remained high relative to other financial intermediaries and their on-balance-sheet financial intermediation services increased in the fourth quarter of 2008, it must be recognized that there are many types of banks in the United States with different specializations, geographic concentrations, and comparative advantages. Consequently, the extraordinary stress in the financial system, the downturn in the U.S. and global economies, and the associated reductions in asset values have affected each bank differently.

Much attention has been focused on the negative loan growth of the largest five bank holding companies in the fourth quarter of 2008--about negative 16 percent at an annual rate on a merger-adjusted basis. The next 20 largest bank holding companies had a notably smaller decrease in loans over the same period--about a negative 4-1/4 percent rate of decline--and other (smaller) bank holding companies increased their lending at about a 5 percent pace. This loan growth may reflect that smaller banks in strong financial condition are finding that they can gain creditworthy customers--even in the current economic environment--as other banks cut back on lending to conserve capital and liquidity. Smaller banks may also be finding opportunities to reclaim consumer and business customers from nonbank competitors who have pulled back as the securitization markets have dried up.

A decomposition of changes in loans held on bank balance sheets across banking organizations in the three size groups provides a glimpse into how diverse the portfolio changes were across banks in the fourth quarter of 2008.12 Figure 11 presents balance sheet changes for loans held by the banking organizations in all three size groups. The heights of the red bars indicate declines in loan categories measured in billions of dollars, and the heights of the blue bars indicate increases in loan categories, also measured in billions of dollars. For each bank-size group, the bars within the panel add up as one looks from left to right, so that the total dollar-value change in lending is measured either by the bottom of the bar (if loan growth, on net, is negative) or by the top of the bar (if loan growth, on net, is positive). The number at the bottom (or top) of each bar provides the net decrease (or increase) in loan amounts as one adds the changes from left to right within a bank-size category.13

The left panel of figure 11 contains changes in loans (on a merger-adjusted and seasonally adjusted basis) held on the books of the largest bank holding companies, which together ended the quarter with $6.4 trillion of balance sheet assets. These firms reduced their loan holdings by about $119 billion, which is indicated at the bottom of the right-most bar in the left panel. Declines were substantial in commercial and industrial loans ($19 billion), real estate loans ($47 billion), and consumer loans ($13 billion).

The middle panel of figure 11 contains loan changes for the next 20 largest banking organizations, which together ended the quarter with about $5.2 trillion of balance sheet assets. Together, these organizations increased their commercial and industrial loans (by $3 billion), real estate loans (by $7 billion), and consumer loans (by $4 billion) as of year-end 2008. That said, the category of 'other loans and leases" fell by more than enough to offset those increases. Total loans held on the balance sheets of banks in this group decreased by about $9 billion over the fourth quarter.

The right panel of figure 11 presents the increases in loans held by banking organizations not included in the largest 25. These organizations ended the quarter with $3.3 trillion of balance sheet assets. These entities increased their holdings of commercial and industrial loans (by $4 billion), real estate loans (by $17 billion), and consumer loans (by $9 billion). On net, bank holding companies and banks in this size class increased their lending by about $27 billion--far less than the reductions in lending at banks in the larger-size groups.

Within real estate loans, residential mortgage holdings by banking organizations declined sharply over the second half of 2008. In part, this decline reflected a slower pace of originations owing to tighter lending standards and weaker demand. But this decline also reflected the fact that banks continued to originate and sell mortgages to the GSEs as this securitization mechanism has continued to function. In contrast, home equity loan growth has recently been brisk as borrowers tapped their existing lines of credit. Unlike mortgage loans, home equity loans tended to remain on bank balance sheets. Abstracting from a couple of bank restructuring events, growth in consumer loans--the other category of household lending--was weak in the fourth quarter, in line with lackluster retail sales and declines in consumer confidence. Originations may pick up as the TALF gains traction and ABS can be issued that are collateralized with such loans.14

Turning to business lending, commercial and industrial lending, which, as previously discussed, had surged during the period of particularly acute financial stress in September and October, was very weak during the fourth quarter, and commercial mortgage holdings remained flat.

Changes in the liabilities of banks were equally diverse across the three banking organization size groups. Figure 12 has the same format as figure 11, with each red bar indicating a decline in a liability type and each blue bar indicating an increase in a liability type. As with figure 11, the data are merger-adjusted and seasonally adjusted. The figure presents changes in core deposits; large time deposits, which are deposits in denominations greater than $100,000; other managed liabilities; and other liabilities. Other managed liabilities mostly consist of foreign-booked deposits, demand notes issued to the Treasury, other borrowed money, and federal funds purchased and securities sold under repurchase agreements. Other liabilities are noninterest earning liabilities such as trading liabilities. Numbers at the top and bottom of each bar within a panel represent the sum of liability changes as one looks from left to right. As with lending growth, the growth in core deposits at U.S. banking organizations was likely influenced by both demand-side and supply-side considerations as well as by government policies implemented to improve financial conditions.

Core deposits, which consist of the sum of transaction deposits, savings deposits (including money market deposit accounts), and small time deposits issued in denominations of less than $100,000, expanded at banking organizations of all sizes in the fourth quarter. In part, this deposit growth reflected lower opportunity costs of holding monetary assets as declines in market rates outpaced those on core deposits. In addition, this growth was likely influenced by the increases in deposit insurance coverage that were announced in October 2008.15

Deposit growth also likely reflected bank-led initiatives to increase their deposit funding in order to reduce their reliance on managed liabilities, such as large time deposits and borrowings from the Federal Home Loan Banks, and also to fund future lending opportunities. This substitution of deposits for managed liabilities was particularly pronounced at the 25 largest banking organizations: These banking organizations reduced the category of "other managed liabilities" by about $120 billion. In contrast, banking organizations not included among the largest 25 increased their other managed liabilities by $30 billion (although managed liabilities are, in general, a smaller fraction of these banks' overall liabilities).

Conclusion
Today, we have taken a three-dimensional view of the flow of credit to households and businesses and described the evolving role of banks in the U.S. economy. The macroeconomic view of credit highlighted the importance for the flow of credit of reduced demand due to weaker economic activity, reduced supply because borrowers appear less creditworthy, and reduced supply because lenders face pressures that restrain them from extending credit. The financial intermediation view of credit highlighted that banks have remained important financial intermediaries long after the originate-to-distribute model for funding credit became the dominant model and can play an important safety-valve role for the financial system. Finally, the banking view of credit emphasized that there are many types of banks in the United States, and the extraordinary stress in the financial system, the downturn in the U.S. and global economies, and the associated reductions in asset values have affected each bank differently. As such, some banks have likely fulfilled the credit needs of consumers and businesses that had been turned away by their peers. For all of these reasons, the Federal Reserve is committed to employing all available tools to promote economic recovery and to preserve price stability.


Footnotes

1. Agency debt means debt issued by Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac, and the Federal Home Loan Banks. Return to text

2. Kaufman (1991) cites credit crunches that occurred in 1959, 1969-70, the mid-1970s, 1981-82, and 1990-91. See Henry Kaufman (1991), "Credit Crunches: The Deregulators Were Wrong," Wall Street Journal, October 9. See also Albert Wojnilower (1980), "The Central Role of Credit Crunches in Recent Financial History," Leaving the Board Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, vol. 2, pp. 277-326. Return to text

3. Council of Economic Advisers (1992), Economic Report of the President (Washington: Government Printing Office), p. 46. Return to text

4. See Inside Mortgage Finance Publications (2009), "Mortgage Securities Market Continued to Shrink in Late 2008 despite Agency Growth," Inside MBS & ABS, March 20, p.7. Return to text

5. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, FDIC, Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, and Office of Thrift Supervision (2008), "Interagency Statement on Meeting the Needs of Creditworthy Borrowers," joint press release, November 12. Return to text

6. Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, FDIC, National Credit Union Administration, Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, and Office of Thrift Supervision (2009), "Federal Financial Regulatory Agencies Issue Statement in Support of the Making Home Affordable Loan Modification Program," joint press release, March 4. Return to text

7. Under the Commercial Paper Funding Facility, authorized on October 7, 2008, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York finances the purchase of unsecured and asset-backed commercial paper from eligible issuers through its primary dealers. Only highly rated, U.S. dollar-denominated, three-month commercial paper is eligible for financing. Return to text

8. Bank's ability to hedge against marketwide liquidity shocks as they did last fall has been documented in the academic banking literature; see Evan Gatev and Philip E. Strahan (2006), "Banks' Advantage in Hedging Liquidity Risk: Theory and Evidence from the Commercial Paper Market," Leaving the Board Journal of Finance, vol. 61 (April), pp. 867-892. Return to text

9. Figure 8 and figure 10 update those in Ron J. Feldman and Mark Lueck (2007), "Are Banks Really Dying This Time?" Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, The Region (September), pp. 6-9 and 42-51. These authors kindly updated their analysis for these remarks. See also John H. Boyd and Mark Gertler (1994), "Are Banks Dead? Or Are the Reports Greatly Exaggerated?" Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis, Quarterly Review, vol. 18 (Summer), pp. 2-14. In both cases, "other financial intermediaries" include mutual funds; closed-end funds; exchange-traded funds; ABS issuers; finance companies; real estate investment trusts, or REITs; brokers and dealers; and funding corporations; but exclude the GSEs. Return to text

10. The financial intermediation data were adjusted for banks' off-balance-sheet activities using techniques described in Feldman and Lueck (2007) and Boyd and Gertler (1994) (see note 9). Return to text

11. Exposures include the following types of off-balance-sheet activities: standby letters of credit, participation in bankers' acceptances, retained recourse on assets sold, securities lend, derivatives and unused loan commitments. Bank supervisors weight the volume of these activities by a conversion factor to obtain their credit equivalent. Because of modifications to Call Reports, the off-balance-sheet activities with available credit equivalents have changed over time. Return to text

12. Bank subsidiaries were rolled up to the bank holding company level. Return to text

13. The category labeled "other loans" in figure 11 includes loans to finance agricultural production, loans to foreign governments and official institutions, interbank loans, obligations of states and political subdivisions, as well as lease financing receivables. The most important of these subcategories varies across banks of different sizes. For example, over the last five years, the largest category of other loans was interbank loans for the 5 largest banks, lease financing receivables for the 6 to 25 largest banks, and loans to finance agricultural production for the remaining banks. Return to text

14. The TALF will help market participants meet the credit needs of households and businesses by supporting the issuance of ABS. This support is in the form of nonrecourse loans provided by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and capital support provided by Treasury under the TARP. Return to text

15. The Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of October 3, 2008 temporarily raised the maximum coverage on all deposits at depositories to $250,000 from $100,000. On October 14, the FDIC announced its temporary Transaction Account Guarantee Program that provides depositors with unlimited coverage for noninterest-bearing transactions accounts if their bank is a participant in the FDIC program. This program is scheduled to end on December 31, 2009. Return to text













These figures are presented with Flash®; the software to view these figures is available at Adobe's web site. Leaving the Board

Accessible version of figures

Monday, March 23, 2009

roughly 1,000 bankers were steaming mad about the financial crisis

TO BE NOTED: From my friend Cate:

Small Banks, Big Beefs

Community Bankers Gather, and Vent; 'Give Ben a Squeeze'

PHOENIX -- There always is a rabid sense of the underdog at the Independent Community Bankers of America annual convention, where lenders from throughout the U.S. meet, many clad in shorts and golf shirts.

[Ben Bernanke] Bloomberg News

Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke and FDIC Chairman Sheila Bair, below, both spoke at the Independent Community Bankers of America conference Friday, and were the target of many attendees' ire.

But when Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke and Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. Chairman Sheila Bair arrived here Friday, they encountered an unusually feisty crowd: roughly 1,000 bankers were steaming mad about the financial crisis.

At panel discussions and in the halls of the Phoenix Convention Center, some bankers joked that Ms. Bair and other FDIC officials at the conference ought to wear bulletproof vests.

In a cavernous room where financial companies were hawking various services and technological gizmos, one vendor handed out small foam-rubber figurines of Mr. Bernanke, next to a sign that said: "Stressed out? Give Ben a squeeze."

[Ben Bernanke squeeze toy] Associated Press

A small Ben Bernanke doll was handed out to convention attendees during the Independent Community Bankers of America National Convention and Techworld gathering.

Nearby, Charles D. Rogers, senior vice president at Tennessee Commerce Bank, passed out pink foam pigs that he said were meant for the "folks on Wall Street."

Few of the bankers here ventured into subprime mortgages, instead carving out reliable niches such as catering to local businesses. These banks lacked the capital-markets operations that churned out the financial exotica now pummeling many financial firms.

Of the roughly 8,300 federally insured banks in the U.S., more than 8,000 are community banks. Relatively few of them have pocketed taxpayer capital through the Treasury Department's Troubled Asset Relief Program.

Among the bankers gathered in Phoenix, the No. 1 bogeyman is Citigroup Inc. A close second is Ms. Bair, whose plan to levy higher fees on banks to pay for the deposit-insurance system threatens to erode small-bank profits and capital cushions.

[Sheila Bair] Bloomberg News

Sheila Bair

Giant banks like Citigroup "have tarred and feathered us," said Bill McQuillan, chief executive of City National Bank in Greeley, Neb. A Citigroup spokeswoman declined to comment.

The mood at the conference was angry, reflecting the industry's frail state overall and the guilt by association that community bankers are dealing with as larger rivals wobble.

Local lenders are in relatively strong shape. More than 95% of the nation's community banks were well-capitalized at the end of last year, Mr. Bernanke said Friday.

Still, most of the 42 banks that have failed since the start of last year were community institutions. Many are getting burned by loans to finance real-estate development and construction projects that have gone belly up since housing markets collapsed.

Mr. Bernanke and Ms. Bair knew what they were walking into. Ms. Bair, for one, arrived at the convention center flanked by a government security detail.

"It's nice to be back in America," the Fed chairman said after taking the stage, his gray suit and blue tie making him appear much more pleasant than the villainous squeeze toy that he inspired. "No doubt this frustration has been heightened by the problems caused by financial firms that are too big or too interconnected to fail," Mr. Bernanke said.

Mr. Bernanke was greeted with a standing ovation. In contrast, Ms. Bair got lukewarm applause when she walked onto the stage. But the audience roared its approval every time she spoke of the need to clamp down on the nation's megabanks, saying the government should impose higher capital requirements and tougher penalties to discourage banks from becoming too big.

"It shouldn't be rewarded," she said. "It should be penalized." She added that the government needs to "get these institutions to downsize." Rigorous cheers erupted -- and after the speech, she had won over some skeptics.

"She does recognize the difference between the too-big-to-fail banks and the community banks," said Allie Knoll, president of Stratford State Bank in Wisconsin, wearing a bright yellow Hawaiian shirt. "I think the overall reception here was fairly positive."

As Ms. Bair sat in the lobby of a nearby hotel later Friday, Shawn Davis, CEO of Carlinville National Bank, told Ms. Bair that his Carlinville, Ill., bank had recently acquired a failed bank from the FDIC in February. "We always hear bad things" about the FDIC, Mr. Davis said, but "I just have to say your staff is great."

In an interview, Ms. Bair said the FDIC has been working hard to assuage the concerns of community bankers. "There's pain in this," she said. "We're listening. We're working to reduce it and make sure the pain is equitable."

Friday, January 23, 2009

Small banks with little or no exposure to the toxic debt that crippled Wall Street have money to lend as U.S. homebuyers struggle to find credit.

Here's some good news from Bloomberg:

"By Dan Levy and Ari Levy

Jan. 23 (Bloomberg) -- Matthew Stubbs said the mortgage choice was easy when he bought his Seattle dream home: Pay less than 6 percent to locally based HomeStreet Bank, or a percentage point higher and $3,400 extra in fees to Wells Fargo & Co.

“The differences were so pronounced that there was no question when it came to the final decision,” Stubbs, 31, who closed in November on a three-bedroom house in the Beacon Hill neighborhood, near Seattle’s new light rail line and Amazon.com Inc.’s headquarters, said in an interview.

Small banks with little or no exposure to the toxic debt that crippled Wall Street have money to lend as U.S. homebuyers struggle to find credit( GOOD NEWS ). While the largest lenders retrenched in the third quarter, loan volume for institutions with less than $1 billion in assets rose 6.8 percent, according to Pacific Coast Bankers’ Bank, a San Francisco-based trade group. Barry James, chief executive officer of James Investment Research Inc. in Xenia, Ohio, says that trend will continue.( GOOD )

“There’s some real strength in these smaller institutions that didn’t get in trouble,” said James, whose $650 million Golden Rainbow Fund owns community bank shares and has beaten 99 percent of its competitors over the past five years, according to Bloomberg data. “They are picking up business.”( GOOD )

HomeStreet Bank increased its residential mortgage business by 13 percent in the third quarter from a year earlier, according to a Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. filing. Meanwhile the largest national banks, including New York-based JPMorgan Chase & Co. and Citigroup Inc. and Charlotte, North Carolina-based Bank of America Corp., curtailed mortgage lending amid the industry’s $1 trillion in credit losses and writedowns.

A Local Advantage

“No longer do nationwide lenders or investors want to just pick up business 3,000 miles away, because they’re so concerned about risk,” Guy Cecala, publisher of Inside Mortgage Finance, a Bethesda, Maryland-based newsletter, said in an interview. “That’s the real advantage a community bank has. They effectively know everybody in the neighborhood, or all their customers.”( VERY GOOD NEWS )

Stubbs, who works for the Seattle City Light public utility and has an above-average credit score of 760 in a scale developed by Fair Isaac Corp., said his first contact with Wells Fargo came in a phone call with an agent in Anchorage, Alaska. By contrast, he spoke to a HomeStreet loan officer who lives in Seattle and had also bought property in the area.

“It seemed that he understood the local housing market and knew the neighborhood, which is something that isn’t captured in the standard risk profiling( YES ),” said Stubbs, who bought the house for $340,000 with his girlfriend, a graduate student.

Mortgage Applications

In November, the month Stubbs completed his purchase, U.S. mortgage applications fell to an eight-year low as housing prices tumbled. Applications picked up in December, when lower mortgage rates encouraged homeowners to refinance. The top five lenders slashed mortgage originations by 50 percent over the course of a year, according to New York-based analyst Meredith Whitney at Oppenheimer & Co.

Countrywide Financial Corp. and Washington Mutual Inc. cut residential lending before they were purchased last year by Bank of America and JPMorgan, respectively. The same was true for Wachovia Corp., acquired by San Francisco-based Wells Fargo on Jan. 1. Even Wells Fargo, which has weathered the housing crisis better than its competitors, reported a $10 billion drop in third-quarter mortgage originations from the previous quarter.

JPMorgan originated $28.1 billion in mortgages during the fourth-quarter, a 30 percent decrease from the previous year’s period. Home equity originations dropped 83 percent from the previous year to $1.7 billion in originations.

Shares Surge

When Deborah Parsons refinanced her Topeka, Kansas, home last year, she opted against Countrywide, her mortgage company for more than a decade. Instead, Parsons turned to Capitol Federal Financial, a local bank she sees daily on her drive to work.

Parsons closed the $80,000 loan in December, and now can reach a local bank representative near her home, instead of relying on the toll free number that appeared on her Countrywide bill.

“Customer service was the biggest part and just knowing their reputation,” said Parsons, 45, who refinanced so she and her husband could buy new windows and upgrade their air and heating systems. “We see their commercials, see them on the street corners.”

Capitol Federal shares have surged 38 percent in the past year, the best performance in the 495-company Nasdaq Bank Index, while Wells Fargo, Citigroup, Bank of America and JPMorgan each have fallen by at least 40 percent.

‘Aggressive’ Banks

National banks( BANKS THAT WERE COUNTING ON GOVERNMENT GUARANTEES ) that financed the U.S. housing boom “got very aggressive,” lowering interest rates for home loans, offering adjustable-rate products to subprime borrowers and selling bundled mortgages in the secondary market, said Steve Brown, chief executive officer of Pacific Coast Bankers’ Bank, which was formed in 1997 and counts more than 200 community banks as shareholders across the U.S.

“It got so tight that community banks couldn’t stand in the space any more,” Brown said. “Now the pendulum is swinging the other way. A small banker can look a customer in the eye, shake their hand and know them better. You’re not working with models and prices set in New York.”

That’s become a familiar story to John Dicus, chief executive of Capitol Federal. The bank’s market share of single- family mortgages in Kansas City, about 60 miles from Topeka, fell to 10 percent in mid-2008 from about 20 percent five years ago, when competitors offered subprime loans to the riskiest customers and Alt-A mortgages that didn’t require proof of income, Dicus said.

No Subprime Backlash

Capitol Federal, with a default rate one-seventh the average of the top 10 U.S. banks, lost business because it wouldn’t lower its credit standards( DO YOU SEE THAT IT WASN'T MANDATORY OR MECHANICAL? ). Now it’s benefiting.

Profit for the fiscal year ended Sept. 30 jumped 58 percent and only a quarter of one percent of loans is delinquent. The lender’s market share is up to 12 percent and opportunities continue to arise, Dicus said.

“We haven’t been adversely affected through the subprime and Alt-A meltdown,” Dicus said in an interview. “The smaller banks, the ones that have been successful through this, will play a big part in bringing us out of it.”( YES )

Hudson City Bancorp., a Paramus, New Jersey-based home lender, said Jan. 21 that fourth-quarter profit climbed 60 percent, bolstered by increased mortgage originations. The stock has dropped 17 percent in the past year, compared with the 66 percent slump in the 24-member KBW Bank Index.

More Growth

“The reduced number of lenders will continue to fuel our mortgage growth,” said CEO Ronald Hermance, in a statement.

Capitol Federal and Hudson City hold most of their loans rather than sell them. Banks that sell their mortgages in the secondary market have been hurt because investors that buy bundled loans are only purchasing securities backed by the government( YES ). Those accounted for 99 percent of issuances in the first nine months of 2008, according to newsletter Inside MBS & ABS.

To reignite lending, the U.S. government has poured more than $200 billion into banks through the Troubled Asset Relief Program, a $700 billion fund approved by Congress in October.

Community Bank System Inc. opted not to apply for TARP because it had plenty of capital, the DeWitt, New York-based company said in November. Today, the bank said it boosted consumer mortgage lending by 8.7 percent in the fourth quarter from a year earlier. The stock has dropped 12 percent in the past year.

Big Banks

As smaller banks increase lending and add market share, the biggest institutions aren’t losing their dominance. Citigroup, JPMorgan, Bank of America and Wells Fargo accounted for two- thirds of U.S. mortgages last year, said Cecala of Inside Mortgage Finance.

Companies in the Nasdaq Bank Index had total loan portfolios of $1 trillion at the end of the third quarter, according to Bloomberg data. The four biggest lenders had 3.5 times that amount, led by Bank of America with $1.1 trillion, which included loans made by Countrywide and Merrill Lynch & Co.

The average market capitalization of banks in the Nasdaq group is $251 million, while the top four U.S. banks are each worth an average of $52 billion.

Still, John Koelmel says his small bank in upstate New York, First Niagara Financial Group Inc., is finding more opportunities than ever and plans to expand lending in the next two to three years.( GOOD )

Adding Customers

The shares have jumped 22 percent in the past year and the lender has added customers including small businesses, real estate firms and home owners as bigger competitors like HSBC Holdings Plc and Bank of America scale back in the region, he said.

“It’s abundantly clear to us that they’re not pulling back temporarily, they’re retrenching for the longer term,” said Koelmel, 56, from his company’s headquarters in Lockport, New York. “That’s created and translated into meaningful opportunities for us. It continues to open doors for us everyday.”( GOOD )