Showing posts with label Securitization. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Securitization. Show all posts

Monday, June 15, 2009

administration will put forward a plan to modernize financial regulation and supervision

TO BE NOTED: From the WaPo:

"A New Financial Foundation

By Timothy Geithner and Lawrence Summers
Monday, June 15, 2009

Over the past two years, we have faced the most severe financial crisis since the Great Depression. The financial system failed to perform its function as a reducer and distributor of risk. Instead, it magnified risks, precipitating an economic contraction that has hurt families and businesses around the world.

We have taken extraordinary measures to help put America on a path to recovery. But it is not enough to simply repair the damage. The economic pain felt by ordinary Americans is a daily reminder that, even as we labor toward recovery, we must begin today to build the foundation for a stronger and safer system.

This current financial crisis had many causes. It had its roots in the global imbalance in saving and consumption, in the widespread use of poorly understood financial instruments, in shortsightedness and excessive leverage at financial institutions. But it was also the product of basic failures in financial supervision and regulation.

Our framework for financial regulation is riddled with gaps, weaknesses and jurisdictional overlaps, and suffers from an outdated conception of financial risk. In recent years, the pace of innovation in the financial sector has outstripped the pace of regulatory modernization, leaving entire markets and market participants largely unregulated.

That is why, this week -- at the president's direction, and after months of consultation with Congress, regulators, business and consumer groups, academics and experts -- the administration will put forward a plan to modernize financial regulation and supervision. The goal is to create a more stable regulatory regime that is flexible and effective; that is able to secure the benefits of financial innovation while guarding the system against its own excess.

In developing its proposals, the administration has focused on five key problems in our existing regulatory regime -- problems that, we believe, played a direct role in producing or magnifying the current crisis.

First, existing regulation focuses on the safety and soundness of individual institutions but not the stability of the system as a whole. As a result, institutions were not required to maintain sufficient capital or liquidity to keep them safe in times of system-wide stress. In a world in which the troubles of a few large firms can put the entire system at risk, that approach is insufficient.

The administration's proposal will address that problem by raising capital and liquidity requirements for all institutions, with more stringent requirements for the largest and most interconnected firms. In addition, all large, interconnected firms whose failure could threaten the stability of the system will be subject to consolidated supervision by the Federal Reserve, and we will establish a council of regulators with broader coordinating responsibility across the financial system.

Second, the structure of the financial system has shifted, with dramatic growth in financial activity outside the traditional banking system, such as in the market for asset-backed securities. In theory, securitization should serve to reduce credit risk by spreading it more widely. But by breaking the direct link between borrowers and lenders, securitization led to an erosion of lending standards, resulting in a market failure that fed the housing boom and deepened the housing bust.

The administration's plan will impose robust reporting requirements on the issuers of asset-backed securities; reduce investors' and regulators' reliance on credit-rating agencies; and, perhaps most significant, require the originator, sponsor or broker of a securitization to retain a financial interest in its performance.

The plan also calls for harmonizing the regulation of futures and securities, and for more robust safeguards of payment and settlement systems and strong oversight of "over the counter" derivatives. All derivatives contracts will be subject to regulation, all derivatives dealers subject to supervision, and regulators will be empowered to enforce rules against manipulation and abuse.

Third, our current regulatory regime does not offer adequate protections to consumers and investors. Weak consumer protections against subprime mortgage lending bear significant responsibility for the financial crisis. The crisis, in turn, revealed the inadequacy of consumer protections across a wide range of financial products -- from credit cards to annuities.

Building on the recent measures taken to fight predatory lending and unfair practices in the credit card industry, the administration will offer a stronger framework for consumer and investor protection across the board.

Fourth, the federal government does not have the tools it needs to contain and manage financial crises. Relying on the Federal Reserve's lending authority to avert the disorderly failure of nonbank financial firms, while essential in this crisis, is not an appropriate or effective solution in the long term.

To address this problem, we will establish a resolution mechanism that allows for the orderly resolution of any financial holding company whose failure might threaten the stability of the financial system. This authority will be available only in extraordinary circumstances, but it will help ensure that the government is no longer forced to choose between bailouts and financial collapse.

Fifth, and finally, we live in a globalized world, and the actions we take here at home -- no matter how smart and sound -- will have little effect if we fail to raise international standards along with our own. We will lead the effort to improve regulation and supervision around the world.

The discussion here presents only a brief preview of the administration's forthcoming proposals. Some people will say that this is not the time to debate the future of financial regulation, that this debate should wait until the crisis is fully behind us. Such critics misunderstand the nature of the challenges we face. Like all financial crises, the current crisis is a crisis of confidence and trust. Reassuring the American people that our financial system will be better controlled is critical to our economic recovery.

By restoring the public's trust in our financial system, the administration's reforms will allow the financial system to play its most important function: transforming the earnings and savings of workers into the loans that help families buy homes and cars, help parents send kids to college, and help entrepreneurs build their businesses. Now is the time to act.

Timothy Geithner is secretary of the Treasury. Lawrence Summers is director of the National Economic Council."

Wednesday, June 10, 2009

Fed operated when it rescued Bear Stearns, the market then believed this was a signal of the way the Federal Reserve would perform

TO BE NOTED:

Taking Stock: Lessons from history Economist Anna Schwartz

Revered economist and monetary policy expert Dr. Anna Schwartz talks with Kai Ryssdal about how the Federal Reserve and government have performed while in the economic hot seat. She isn't too pleased.

Economist Anna Schwartz (silverbearcafe.com)

More on America's Financial Crisis

TEXT OF INTERVIEW

Kai Ryssdal: Today we're going to pick up with our series Taking Stock, occasional conversations with people who can give us the long view of our current economic situation.

There aren't many people around today who can give us that perspective better than Anna Schwartz. She's 93 years old, an economist for more than 60 of them. Still working, every day, at the National Bureau of Economic Research in New York City. Her area of expertise is monetary policy, how much money is in the economy, usually controlled by the interest rates that the Federal Reserve sets. Specifically, she's an expert in how the Fed blew it during the Great Depression, when customer after customer pulled their money out of the banks.

ANNA SCHWARTZ: The Federal Reserve could easily have provided additional money supply. That would have helped the banks that were losing deposits and that would have helped the economy in general.

Forty-six years ago Schwartz, and a guy named Milton Friedman, who'd later go on to win the Nobel Prize for economics, wrote a book on the topic. It was called "A Monetary History of the United States." It's on just about every list of the most important books on economic history... ever. When I sat down with her in her office in Manhattan last month, she made it clear she's none too happy about all of Washington's bailouts, or how the Fed and the Treasury chose who got one and who didn't.

Schwartz: I think both Bush and the Obama administration have not been as hard headed with banks, it has been too lax. And instead if they had said if you cannot raise capital in the market, there is no reason for the government, the people of this country, to provide capital.

Ryssdal: OK, but wait a minute. Didn't we try that with Lehman Brothers last September? And there are people who will say that only made everything worse. Should we now say to Bank of America, and Citigroup and some of these other banks, "Hey, you can't make your loans..."

SCHWARTZ: No, the trouble with the way the Fed operated when it rescued Bear Stearns, the market then believed this was a signal of the way the Federal Reserve would perform. If the Fed and the Treasury made a candid statement to the market: We will help a bank, which basically is solvent. We will not do that for a bank, which is on the verge of bankruptcy. And then the market understands there are principles. That's why when Lehman Brothers was permitted to fail, the market was simply bewildered. Because here you had treated Bear Stearns in this kindly fashion, and what reason was there not to do the same when Lehman Brothers arose?

Ryssdal: Now do you think the market has figured out what the policy of the federal government is toward these rescues by now? It's been six, seven months since Lehman Brothers.

SCHWARTZ: The market is just bewildered. Bernanke came into office insisting that the Fed would be much more transparent than it had been in the past. But I don't believe that it's lived up to that. If the market understood what the Fed was planning in each case, and could see a design, then I think the market would have reacted much more positively.

Ryssdal: It sounds like you're frustrated with Chairman Bernanke and the White House, that they maybe haven't learned the lessons of history that you and Milton Friedman wrote about.

SCHWARTZ: Well, I think that that's a fair statement. Considering Bernanke's background, you would have expected a much more, should I say a tidy kind of performance by the Federal Reserve. Seemed to be something that was ad hoc and introduced without considering all the implications.

Ryssdal: You know, Alan Greenspan was lionized in this country for many years. And then a year ago went up to Capitol Hill and said, "You know what, I blew it." Does he get the appropriate amount of credit and/or blame for this whole thing?

SCHWARTZ: Well, I think the verdict of history will be different with regard to his stature than it has been so far.

Ryssdal: In your mind, these toxic assets, the bad assets that these banks still have on their books, are they still a big problem or have they worked their way through the system now?

SCHWARTZ: No, and I think the big shortcoming of the Obama administration, and Bush before that, was that it didn't make a concerted effort to get rid of these assets. I mean in a sense it's a condemnation of the Federal Reserve. They did not respond to securitization, which is the basic condition for the creation of these toxic assets. Neither Alan Greenspan or anybody else at the Fed seemed to be concerned.

Ryssdal: Securitization, that is the buying and selling of these packages of mortgages. There are those who will say it contributed a lot to the economic growth in this country. Do you buy that?

SCHWARTZ: Well, I suppose the people who made money on it will say, Sure. But you have to be able to divine what you're letting yourself in for, if you're going to permit securitization to go on. And nobody took action to say, "Wait a minute. What are we doing when we are permitting these mortgage companies to issue these securities backed by a pool of mortgages of varying quality, and you don't know how to price the security?" Nobody raised that question.

Ryssdal: When an economic historian comes along in 25 or 30 years and tries to do for this episode what you and Professor Friedman did for the Great Depression, what's their verdict going to be on the monetary policy that the Fed has been following?

SCHWARTZ: Well, there has not been a straight line in the programs that the Fed has introduced over this period. So, I don't know whether the verdict will be charitable. It's always possible to find reasons why other alternatives were not really available. But I think on the whole the performance has been disappointing. Because now two years and more after Bernanke came into office we don't see visible signs of change for the better.

Ryssdal: Dr. Anna Schwartz. She's an economist with the National Bureau of Economic Research, has been since 1941. She's also the co-author, with Milton Friedman, of "A Monetary History of the United States."

Thursday, May 14, 2009

regulators need to begin developing the next generation of capital standards now—before the current framework is completely outmoded

TO BE NOTED: From DefaultRisk.Com:

FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998 53
Industry Practices in Credit Risk Modeling
and Internal Capital Allocations:
Implications for a Models-Based
Regulatory Capital Standard
Summary of Presentation
David Jones and John Mingo
I. WHY SHOULD REGULATORS BE
INTERESTED IN CREDIT RISK MODELS?
Bank supervisors have long recognized two types of shortcomings
in the Basle Accord’s risk-based capital (RBC)
framework. First, the regulatory measures of “capital” may
not represent a bank’s true capacity to absorb unexpected
losses. Deficiencies in reported loan loss reserves, for
example, could mask deteriorations in banks’ economic net
worth. Second, the denominator of the RBC ratios, total
risk-weighted assets, may not be an accurate measure of
total risk. The regulatory risk weights do not reflect
certain risks, such as interest rate and operating risks.
More importantly, they ignore critical differences in credit
risk among financial instruments (for example, all commercial
credits incur a 100 percent risk weight), as well as
differences across banks in hedging, portfolio diversification,
and the quality of risk management systems.
These anomalies have created opportunities for
“regulatory capital arbitrage” that are rendering the formal
RBC ratios increasingly less meaningful for the largest,
most sophisticated banks. Through securitization and
other financial innovations, many large banks have lowered
their RBC requirements substantially without reducing
materially their overall credit risk exposures. More
recently, the September 1997 Market Risk Amendment to
the Basle Accord has created additional arbitrage opportunities
by affording certain credit risk positions much lower
RBC requirements when held in the trading account rather
than in the banking book.
Given the prevalence of regulatory capital arbitrage
and the unstinting pace of financial innovation, the current
Basle Accord may soon become overwhelmed. At least for
the largest, most sophisticated banks, it seems clear that
regulators need to begin developing the next generation of
capital standards now—before the current framework is
completely outmoded. “Internal models” approaches to
prudential regulation are presently the only long-term
solution on the horizon.
The basic problem is that securitization and other
forms of capital arbitrage allow banks to achieve effective
capital requirements well below the nominal 8 percent
Basle standard. This may not be a concern—indeed, it may
be desirable from a resource allocation perspective—when,
David Jones is an assistant director and John Mingo a senior adviser in the
Division of Research and Statistics of the Board of Governors of the Federal
Reserve System.
54 FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998
The Relationship between PDF and Allocated
Economic Capital Losses
Note: The shaded area under the PDF to the right of X (the target insolvency rate)
equals the cumulative probability that unexpected losses will exceed the allocated
economic capital.
Probability density
function of losses
(PDF)
Allocated economic capital
Expected
losses
X
Losses
in specific instances, the Basle standard is way too high in
relation to a bank’s true risks. But it is a concern when
capital arbitrage lowers overall prudential standards.
Unfortunately, with the present tools available to supervisors,
it is often difficult to distinguish these cases,
especially given the lack of transparency in many offbalance-
sheet credit positions.
Ultimately, capital arbitrage stems from the
disparities between true economic risks and the “one-sizefits-
all” notion of risk embodied in the Accord. By contrast,
over the past decade many of the largest banks have
developed sophisticated methods for quantifying credit
risks and internally allocating capital against those risks.
At these institutions, credit risk models and internal
capital allocations are used in a variety of management
applications, such as risk-based pricing, the measurement
of risk-adjusted profitability, and the setting of portfolio
concentration limits.
II. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PDF
AND ALLOCATED ECONOMIC CAPITAL
Before discussing various credit risk models per se, it may
be helpful to describe how these models are used within
banks’ capital allocation systems. Internal capital allocations
against credit risk are based on a bank’s estimate of
the probability density function (PDF) for credit losses.
Credit risk models are used to estimate these PDFs (see
chart). A risky portfolio is one whose PDF has a relatively
long, fat tail—that is, where there is a significant likelihood
that actual losses will be substantially higher than
expected losses, shown as the left dotted line in the chart.
In this chart, the probability of credit losses exceeding the
level X is equal to the shaded area under the PDF to the
right of X.
The estimated capital needed to support a bank’s
credit risk exposure is generally referred to as its “economic
capital” for credit risk. The process for determining this
amount is analogous to VaR methods used in allocating
economic capital against market risks. Specifically, the economic
capital for credit risk is determined in such a way
that the estimated probability of unexpected credit losses
exhausting economic capital is less than the bank’s “target
insolvency rate.” Capital allocation systems generally
assume that it is the role of reserving policies to cover
expected credit losses, while it is the role of equity capital to
cover credit risk, or the uncertainty of credit losses. Thus,
required economic capital is the amount of equity over and
above expected losses necessary to achieve the target insolvency
rate. In the chart, for a target insolvency rate equal
to the shaded area, the required economic capital equals
the distance between the two dotted lines.
In practice, the target insolvency rate is usually
chosen to be consistent with the bank’s desired credit rating.
For example, if the desired credit rating is AA, the target
insolvency rate might equal the historical one-year default
rate for AA-rated corporate bonds (about 3 basis points).
To recap, economic capital allocations for credit
risk are based on two critical inputs: the bank’s target
insolvency rate and its estimated PDF for credit losses. Two
banks with identical portfolios, therefore, could have very
different economic capital allocations for credit risk, owing
to differences in their attitudes toward risk taking, as
reflected in their target insolvency rates, or owing to differences
in their methods for estimating PDFs, as reflected in
FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998 55
Overview of Risk Measurement Systems
Aggregative Models
(Top-down techniques, generally applied
to broad lines of business)
Structural Models
Top-Down Methods
(Common within consumer and
small business units)
Bottom-Up Methods
(Standard within large corporate business units)
Building blocks
· Peer analysis
· Historical cash flow volatility
· Historical charge-off volatility
Credit Risks Market Risks Operating Risks
1. Internal credit ratings
2. Definition of credit loss
· Default mode (DM)
· Mark-to-market (MTM)
3. Valuations of loans
4. Treatment of credit-related optionality
5. Parameter specification/estimation
6. PDF computation engine
· Monte Carlo simulation
· Mean/variance approximation
7. Capital allocation rule
their credit risk models. Obviously, for competitive equity
and other reasons, regulators prefer to apply the same
minimum soundness standard to all banks. Thus, any
internal models approach to regulatory capital would likely
be based on a bank’s estimated PDF, not on the bank’s own
internal economic capital allocations. That is, the regulator
would likely (a) decide whether the bank’s PDF estimation
process was acceptable and (b) at least implicitly, set a
regulatory maximum insolvency probability (rather than
accept the bank’s target insolvency rate if such a rate was
deemed “too high” by regulatory standards).
III. TYPES OF CREDIT RISK MODELS
When estimating the PDF for credit losses, banks generally
employ what we term either “top-down” or “bottom-up”
methods (see exhibit). Top-down models are often used for
estimating credit risk in consumer or small business portfolios.
Typically, within a broad subportfolio, such as credit
cards, all loans would be treated as more or less homogeneous.
The bank would then base its estimated PDF on the
historical credit loss rates for that subportfolio taken as a
whole. For example, the variance in subportfolio loss rates
over time could be taken as an estimate of the variance of
loss rates associated with the current subportfolio. A limitation
of top-down models, however, is that they may not
be sensitive to changes in the subportfolio’s composition.
That is, if the quality of the bank’s card customers were to
change over time, PDF estimates based on that portfolio’s
historical loss rates could be highly misleading.
Where changes in portfolio composition are a
significant concern, banks appear to be evolving toward
bottom-up models. This is already the predominant
method for measuring the credit risks of large and middlemarket
customers. A bottom-up model attempts to
quantify credit risk at the level of each individual loan,
based on an explicit credit evaluation of the underlying
customer. This evaluation is usually summarized in terms
of the loan’s internal credit rating, which is treated as a
proxy for the loan’s probability of default. The bank
would also estimate the loan’s loss rate in the event of
default, based on collateral and other factors. To measure
credit risk for the portfolio as a whole, the risks of
individual loans are aggregated, taking into account
correlation effects. Unlike top-down methods, therefore,
bottom-up models explicitly consider variations in credit
quality and other compositional effects.
56 FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998
IV. MODELING ISSUES
The remainder of this summary focuses on four aspects
of credit risk modeling: the conceptual framework,
credit-related optionality, model calibrations, and model
validation. The intent is to highlight some of the modeling
issues that we believe are significant from a regulator’s
perspective; the full version of our paper provides significantly
greater detail.
A. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Credit risk modeling procedures are driven importantly by
a bank’s underlying definition of “credit losses” and the
“planning horizon” over which such losses are measured.
Banks generally employ a one-year planning horizon and
what we refer to as either a default-mode (DM) paradigm or a
mark-to-market (MTM) paradigm for defining credit losses.
1. Default-Mode Paradigm
At present, the default-mode paradigm is by far the most
common approach to defining credit losses. It can be
thought of as a representation of the traditional “buyand-
hold” lending business of commercial banks. It is
sometimes called a “two-state” model because only two
outcomes are relevant: nondefault and default. If a loan
does not default within the planning horizon, no credit
loss is incurred; if the loan defaults, the credit loss equals
the difference between the loan’s book value and the
present value of its net recoveries.
2. Mark-to-Market Paradigm
The mark-to-market paradigm generalizes this approach
by recognizing that the economic value of a loan may
decline even if the loan does not formally default. This
paradigm is “multi-state” in that “default” is only one of
several possible credit ratings to which a loan could
migrate. In effect, the credit portfolio is assumed to be
marked to market or, more accurately, “marked to model.”
The value of a term loan, for example, typically would
employ a discounted cash flow methodology, where the
credit spreads used in valuing the loan would depend on
the instrument’s credit rating.
To illustrate the differences between these two
paradigms, consider a loan having an internal credit rating
equivalent to BBB. Under both paradigms, the loan
would incur a credit loss if it were to default during the
planning horizon. Under the mark-to-market paradigm,
however, credit losses could also arise if the loan were to
suffer a downgrade short of default (such as migrating from
BBB to BB) or if prevailing credit spreads were to widen.
Conversely, the value of the loan could increase if its credit
rating improved or if credit spreads narrowed.
Clearly, the planning horizon and loss paradigm are
critical decision variables in the credit risk modeling process.
As noted, the planning horizon is generally taken to be one
year. It is often suggested that one year represents a reasonable
interval over which a bank—in the normal course of
business—could mitigate its credit exposures. Regulators,
however, tend to frame the issue differently—in the context
of a bank under stress attempting to unload the credit risk of
a significant portfolio of deteriorating assets. Based on
experience in the United States and elsewhere, more than one
year is often needed to resolve asset-quality problems at
troubled banks. Thus, for the banking book, regulators may
be uncomfortable with the assumption that capital is needed
to cover only one year of unexpected losses.
Since default-mode models ignore credit deteriorations
short of default, their estimates of credit risk may be
particularly sensitive to the choice of a one-year horizon.
With respect to a three-year term loan, for example, the
one-year horizon could mean that more than two-thirds of
the credit risk is potentially ignored. Many banks attempt
to reduce this bias by making a loan’s estimated probability
of default an increasing function of its maturity. In
practice, however, these adjustments are often made in an
ad hoc fashion, so it is difficult to assess their effectiveness.
B. CREDIT-RELATED OPTIONALITY
In contrast to simple loans, for many instruments a bank’s
credit exposure is not fixed in advance, but rather depends
on future (random) events. One example of such “creditrelated
optionality” is a line of credit, where optionality
reflects the fact that drawdown rates tend to increase as a
FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998 57
customer’s credit quality deteriorates. As observed in
connection with the recent turmoil in foreign exchange
markets, credit-related optionality also arises in derivatives
transactions, where counterparty exposure changes randomly
over the life of the contract, reflecting changes in the
amount by which the bank is “in the money.”
As with the treatment of optionality in VaR models,
credit-related optionality is a complex topic, and methods
for dealing with it are still evolving. At present, there is
great diversity in practice, which frequently leads to very
large differences across banks in credit risk estimates for
similar instruments. With regard to virtually identical
lines of credit, estimates of stand-alone credit risk can differ
as much as a tenfold. In some cases, these differences reflect
modeling assumptions that, quite frankly, seem difficult to
justify—for example, with respect to committed lines of
credit, some banks implicitly assume that future drawdown
rates are independent of future changes in a customer’s
credit quality. Going forward, in our view the treatment of
credit-related optionality needs to be a priority item, both
for bank risk modelers and their supervisors.
C. MODEL CALIBRATION
Perhaps the most difficult aspect of credit risk modeling is
the calibration of model parameters. To illustrate this
process, note that in a default-mode model, the credit loss
for an individual loan reflects the combined influence of
two types of risk factors—those determining whether or not
the loan defaults and, in the event of default, risk factors
determining the loan’s loss rate. Thus, implicitly or explicitly,
the model builder must specify (a) the expected
probability of default for each loan, (b) the probability
distribution for each loan’s loss-rate-given-default, and
(c) among all loans in the portfolio, all possible pair-wise
correlations among defaults and loss-rates-given-default.
Under the mark-to-market paradigm, the estimation problem
is even more complex, since the model builder needs
to consider possible credit rating migrations short of
default as well as potential changes in future credit spreads.
This is a daunting task. Reflecting the longer term
nature of credit cycles, even in the best of circumstances—
assuming parameter stability—many years of data, spanning
multiple credit cycles, would be needed to estimate default
probabilities, correlations, and other key parameters with
good precision. At most banks, however, data on historical
loan performance have been warehoused only since the
implementation of their capital allocation systems, often
within the last few years. Owing to such data limitations,
the model specification process tends to involve many crucial
simplifying assumptions as well as considerable judgment.
In our full paper, we discuss assumptions that are
often invoked to make model calibration manageable.
Examples include assumptions of parameter stability and
various forms of independence within and among the various
types of risk factors. Some specifications also impose
normality or other parametric assumptions on the underlying
probability distributions.
It is important to note that estimation of the
extreme tail of the PDF is likely to be highly sensitive to
these assumptions and to estimates of key parameters.
Surprisingly, in practice there is generally little analysis
supporting critical modeling assumptions. Nor is it
standard practice to conduct sensitivity testing of a
model’s vulnerability to key parameters. Indeed, practitioners
generally presume that all parameters are known
with certainty, thus ignoring credit risk issues arising
from parameter uncertainty or model instability. In the
context of an internal models approach to regulatory capital
for credit risk, sensitivity testing and the treatment of
parameter uncertainty would likely be areas of keen
supervisory interest.
D. MODEL VALIDATION
Given the difficulties associated with calibrating credit risk
models, one’s attention quickly focuses on the need for
effective model validation procedures. However, the same
data problems that make it difficult to calibrate these models
also make it difficult to validate the models. Owing to insufficient
data for out-of-sample testing, banks generally do not
conduct statistical back testing on their estimated PDFs.
Instead, credit risk models tend to be validated
indirectly, through various market-based “reality” checks.
58 FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998
Peer-group analysis is used extensively to gauge the reasonableness
of a bank’s overall capital allocation process.
Another market-based technique involves comparing
actual credit spreads on corporate bonds or syndicated
loans with the break-even spreads implied by the bank’s
internal pricing models. Clearly, an implicit assumption of
these techniques is that prevailing market perceptions and
prevailing credit spreads are always “about right.”
In principle, stress testing could at least partially
compensate for shortcomings in available back-testing
methods. In the context of VaR models, for example, stress
tests designed to simulate hypothetical shocks provide
useful checks on the reasonableness of the required capital
levels generated by these models. Presumably, stress-testing
protocols also could be developed for credit risk models,
although we are not yet aware of banks actively pursuing
this approach.
V. POSSIBLE NEAR-TERM APPLICATIONS
OF CREDIT RISK MODELS
While the reliability concerns raised above in connection
with the current generation of credit risk models are substantial,
they do not appear to be insurmountable. Credit
risk models are progressing so rapidly it is conceivable they
could become the foundation for a new approach to setting
formal regulatory capital requirements within a reasonably
near time frame. Regardless of how formal RBC standards
evolve over time, within the short run supervisors need to
improve their existing methods for assessing bank capital
adequacy, which are rapidly becoming outmoded in the
face of technological and financial innovation. Consistent
with the notion of “risk-focused” supervision, such new
efforts should take full advantage of banks’ own internal
risk management systems—which generally reflect the
most accurate information about their credit exposures—
and should focus on encouraging improvements to these
systems over time.
Within the relatively near term, we believe that
there are at least two broad areas in which the inputs or
outputs of bank’s internal credit risk models might usefully
be incorporated into prudential capital policies. These
include (a) the selective use of internal credit risk models in
setting formal RBC requirements against certain credit
positions that are not treated effectively within the current
Basle Accord and (b) the use of internal credit ratings and
other components of credit risk models for purposes of
developing specific and practicable examination guidance
for assessing the capital adequacy of large, complex banking
organizations.
A. SELECTIVE USE IN FORMAL RBC REQUIREMENTS
Under the current RBC standards, certain credit risk
positions are treated ineffectually or, in some cases, ignored
altogether. The selective application of internal risk models
in this area could fill an important void in the current RBC
framework for those instruments that, by virtue of their
being at the forefront of financial innovation, are the most
difficult to address effectively through existing prudential
techniques.
One particular application is suggested by the
November 1997 Notice of Proposed Rulemaking on
Recourse and Direct Credit Substitutes (NPR) put forth by
the U.S. banking agencies. The NPR discusses numerous
anomalies regarding the current RBC treatment of recourse
and other credit enhancements supporting banks’ securitization
activities. In this area, the Basle Accord often produces
dramatically divergent RBC requirements for essentially
equivalent credit risks, depending on the specific contractual
form through which the bank assumes those risks.
To address some of these inconsistencies, the NPR
proposes setting RBC requirements for securitization-related
credit enhancements on the basis of credit ratings for these
positions obtained from one or more accredited rating agencies.
One concern with this proposal is that it may be costly
for banks to obtain formal credit ratings for credit enhancements
that currently are not publicly rated. In addition,
many large banks already produce internal credit ratings for
such instruments, which, given the quality of their internal
control systems, may be at least as accurate as the ratings
that would be produced by accredited rating agencies. A
natural extension of the agencies’ proposal would permit a
bank to use its internal credit ratings (in lieu of having to
FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998 59
obtain external ratings from accredited rating agencies),
provided they were judged to be “reliable” by supervisors.
A further extension of the agency proposal might
involve the direct use of internal credit risk models in setting
formal RBC requirements for selected classes of
securitization-related credit enhancements. Many current
securitization structures were not contemplated when the
Accord was drafted, and cannot be addressed effectively
within the current RBC framework. Market acceptance of
securitization programs, however, is based heavily on the
ability of issuers to quantify (or place reasonable upper
bounds on) the credit risks of the underlying pools of
securitized assets. The application of internal credit risk
models, if deemed “reliable” by supervisors, could provide
the first practical means of assigning economically reasonable
capital requirements against such instruments. The
development of an internal models approach to RBC
requirements—on a limited scale for selected instruments—
also would provide a useful test bed for enhancing supervisors’
understanding of and confidence in such models,
and for considering possible expanded regulatory capital
applications over time.
B. IMPROVED EXAMINATION GUIDANCE
As noted above, most large U.S. banks today have highly
disciplined systems for grading the credit quality of individual
financial instruments within major portions of their
credit portfolios (such as large business customers). In combination
with other information from banks’ internal risk
models, these internal grades could provide a basis for
developing specific and practical examination guidance to
aid examiners in conducting independent assessments of the
capital adequacy of large, complex banking organizations.
To give one example, in contrast to the one-sizefits-
all Basle standard, a bank’s internal capital allocation
against a fully funded, unsecured commercial loan will
generally vary with the loan’s internal credit rating. Typical
internal capital allocations often range from 1 percent or
less for a grade-1 loan, to 14 percent or more for a grade-6
loan (in a credit rating system with six “pass” grades).
Internal economic capital allocations against classified, but
not-yet-charged-off, loans may approach 40 percent—not
counting any reserves for expected future charge-offs.
Examiners could usefully compare a particular bank’s
actual capital levels (or its allocated capital levels) with the
capital levels implied by such a grade-by-grade analysis
(using as benchmarks the internal capital allocation ratios,
by grade, of peer institutions). At a minimum, such a comparison
could initiate discussions with the bank on the
reliability of its internal approaches to risk measurement
and capital allocation. Over time, examination guidance
might evolve to encompass additional elements of banks’
internal risk models, including analytical tools based on
stress-test methodologies. Regardless of the specific details,
the development and field testing of examination guidance
on the use of internal credit risk models would provide useful
insights into the longer term feasibility of an internal models
approach to setting formal regulatory capital standards.
More generally, both supervisors and the banking
industry would benefit from the development of sound
practice guidance on the design, implementation, and
application of internal risk models and capital allocation
systems. Although important concerns remain, this field
has progressed rapidly in recent years, reflecting the growing
awareness that effective risk measurement is a critical
ingredient to effective risk management. As with trading
account VaR models at a similar stage of development,
banking supervisors are in a unique position to disseminate
information on best practices in the risk measurement
arena. In additional to permitting individual banks to
compare their practices with those of peers, such efforts
would likely stimulate constructive discussions among
supervisors and bankers on ways to improve current risk
modeling practices, including model validation procedures.
VI. CONCLUDING REMARKS
The above discussion provides examples by which information
from internal credit risk models might be usefully
incorporated into regulatory or supervisory capital policies.
In view of the modeling concerns described in this summary,
incorporating internal credit risk measurement and
capital allocation systems into the supervisory and/or
60 FRBNY ECONOMIC POLICY REVIEW / OCTOBER 1998
regulatory framework will occur neither quickly nor without
significant difficulties. Nevertheless, supervisors should
not be dissuaded from embarking on such an endeavor. The
current one-size-fits-all system of risk-based capital
requirements increasingly is inadequate to the task of
measuring large bank soundness. Moreover, the process of
“patching” regulatory capital “leaks” as they occur appears
to be less and less effective in dealing with the challenges
posed by ongoing financial innovation and regulatory
capital arbitrage. Finally, despite difficulties with an internal
models approach to bank capital, no alternative long-term
solutions have yet emerged.
ENDNOTE
The views expressed in this summary are those of the authors and do not necessarily
reflect those of the Federal Reserve System or other members of its staff. This paper
draws heavily upon information obtained through our participation in an ongoing
Federal Reserve System task force that has been reviewing the internal credit risk
modeling and capital allocation processes of major U.S. banking organizations.
The paper reflects comments from other members of that task force and Federal
Reserve staff, including Thomas Boemio, Raphael Bostic, Roger Cole, Edward
Ettin, Michael Gordy, Diana Hancock, Beverly Hirtle, James Houpt, Myron
Kwast, Mark Levonian, Chris Malloy, James Nelson, Thomas Oravez, Patrick
Parkinson, and Thomas Williams. In addition, we have benefited greatly from
discussions with numerous practitioners in the risk management arena, especially
John Drzik of Oliver, Wyman & Company. We alone, of course, are responsible
for any remaining errors.
Jones, David, and John Mingo. 1998. “Industry Practices in Credit Risk
Modeling and Internal Capital Allocations: Implications for a
Models-Based Regulatory Capital Standard.” Paper presented at the
conference “Financial Services at the Crossroads: Capital Regulation in
the Twenty-First Century,” Federal Reserve Bank of New York,
February 26-27.
NOTES
REFERENCES
The views expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Federal Reserve
Bank of New York or the Federal Reserve System. The Federal Reserve Bank of New York provides no warranty, express or
implied, as to the accuracy, timeliness, completeness, merchantability, or fitness for any particular purpose of any information
contained in documents produced and provided by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York in any form or manner whatsoever.

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

But it’s a shambles by design. You are taking on capital, reserving some of it, and lending it out. The whole system is levered

TO BE NOTED: From Portfolio:

The $58 Trillion Elephant in the Room

The roots of this year’s financial crisis go back to a small team of bankers at J.P. Morgan in New York. Now, their invention—credit derivatives—has helped bring down Wall Street and has left Morgan with its biggest exposure of all.
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Though it hasn’t been around long, the derivatives market nevertheless has managed to do some serious damage. A timeline of how it came about. See All Video & Multimedia
Elephant and man in office setting
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At a time when the reputation of bankers has been shredded, Bill Demchak is a throwback. The day I meet him, the financial world is once again poised on the brink of destruction. The Dow Jones Industrial Average lost 358 points the day before and is already down another 150 this morning. Yet the green-eyed Demchak, in pleated khakis hiked up unfashionably high onhis waist, seems preternaturally calm—especially for a man who, unwittingly, has had a hand in bringing Wall Street to its knees.

Demchak, now the vice chairman of PNC Financial in Pittsburgh, returned to his hometown in 2002 to help rescue the bank after it became mired in an accounting scandal. Under Demchak and the rest of its new management team, PNC has avoided most of the terrible mistakes of its Wall Street peers by spurning bad mortgages, dubious off-balance-sheet deals, and questionable corporate loans. It’s now one of the best-performing banks in the country.

But before he had this life, Demchak had another, as the leader of a small group at J.P. Morgan in New York that pioneered the kind of financial instruments that eventually led to this autumn’s wreckage on Wall Street. The J.P. Morgan team created and then industrialized credit derivatives, which have enveloped the global markets, growing to a mind-numbing $58 trillion worth of credit contracts. They have spread and morphed in ways that Demchak never intended but always feared.

Long celebrated as a way for banks to diffuse their risks, the credit derivatives invented by Demchak’s team have instead multiplied them. The new credit vehicles encouraged banks and other financial firms to take on riskier loans than they should have; helped increase leverage in the global financial system; and exposed a much wider array of financial firms to the risk of default. (View an interactive timeline of derivatives.)

Credit derivatives aren’t, of course, solely to blame for the pandemic that has helped bring down Wall Street. They didn’t single-handedly force Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers to bulk up on toxic debt, dooming them to collapse. But they made the financial world more complex and more opaque. Ultimately, they have exacerbated the market panic, as financial firms and regulators have belatedly come to grips with the enormity of the problems. Merrill Lynch ultimately capitulated to a sale because investors had no confidence that the firm had a handle on what its problems were. When the federal government took over A.I.G. in September, it was largely because of the insurance behemoth’s exposure to credit-default swaps, a type of derivative that flourished in the wake of Demchak and his team’s creations. By mid-September, Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson was forced into proposing the largest bailout in U.S. history. Securities and Exchange Commission chairman Christopher Cox (S.E.C. No Evil, October) called for regulating credit derivatives.

Morgan’s derivatives project began in the wake of the Asian financial crisis in 1997 as an attempt to protect the bank from bad loans. Demchak’s innovations worked—for his bank. Morgan came to dominate this corner of the financial world while preserving a culture of prudence. Morgan—deemed to be so safe that it snagged two of the victims of the financial-system collapse, Bear Stearns and Washington Mutual—is still swimming in credit derivatives, far more than any other firm on Wall Street, though the bank says it’s hedged. As of the second quarter of 2008, the bank had written derivatives contracts backing credit valued at $10.2 trillion, roughly three-quarters the size of the U.S. economy.

But Demchak’s innovation has a more troubling legacy. J.P. Morgan, rather than being inoculated, was actually becoming the Patient Zero of Wall Street, eventually carrying the credit virus to the far corners of the global financial system. The structure of the first derivatives deal wasn’t as solid as Demchak’s team had intended. That initial, flawed financial instrument was later replicated thousands of times by J.P. Morgan and other banks, with the same defects repeated and magnified over and over again.

The creation of credit derivatives, only a decade ago, is more responsible than anything else for binding the global financial world together more closely. Now some of the trailblazers are puzzling over what has been wrought. “How can we have a financial system so precariously balanced after such an extraordinarily profitable period?” asks Andrew Donaldson, a former colleague of Demchak’s who runs an asset management firm in London.

Demchak spends his days in an unassuming office in PNC’s headquarters, situated amid a slightly seedy collection of streets in downtown Pittsburgh. Demchak warned for years about excesses in lending and is now baffled by, and even somewhat contemptuous of, his peers’ disastrous mistakes: “At the end of the day, I’m never going to be—knock on wood—a guy you see in the paper and say, ‘Look at this stupid, self-serving decision.’ ”

Later, as he thinks back to 1997 and the days in New York when his team helped get the derivatives market off the ground, he lights up. “Oh, God,” Demchak says. “It was absolutely the best time ever in my life.”

In the mid-1990s, Demchak, along with his boss, Peter Hancock, an effervescent Briton, became converts to the closest thing the banking industry has had to a religious reformation. Back then, relationships drove the commercial-banking business. Glad-handing bankers with tight connections to corporate boardrooms made the rain.

These guys never met a loan from a corporate client they would turn down, even if they weren’t sure it would be profitable in the long run.

Hancock and Demchak’s creed was simple: Banks should know whether their loans were going to make money. The pair insisted that loans be priced to their current value in the market. Because of the legacy of the old relationship bankers, J.P. Morgan was struggling. The problem, in the view of the stock market, was that the bank had the wrong clients. They were sleepy American icons, some of whom John Pierpont Morgan himself had lent to and even helped build. Though bank officials were promising Wall Street that it could generate returns of 20 percent, the return on many of its loans was much lower, forcing the bank to run the race while dragging lead weights on its ankles.

The Asian financial crisis highlighted the problem. Morgan lost money on loans to Asian companies. That prompted the bank to take a look at all of its corporate lending practices, abroad as well as at home. When it did, top executives came to a sobering realization: Not only was J.P. Morgan not making nearly enough profit on these blue-chip corporate loans, the bank had also made far too many of them. Most weren’t loans at all but lines of credit promising funds at some later date. Hancock and Demchak realized that in a crisis, many of these companies would probably ask J.P. Morgan for access to the money they were promised. Worse, they wouldn’t do it unless they were on the brink of collapse—exactly the wrong time for a banker to make a loan. The bankers who made those loans thought the odds of that happening were too small to even consider. “The old banking mentality viewed them as riskless,” Demchak says. But the mentality was wrong.

Morgan realized it needed to act quickly to reduce its exposure. It had to free up capital for more profitable business. But it couldn’t sell the loans without alienating its longtime, blue-chip customers.

Demchak put the new religion into action. “Demchak was the first person I know of who had the vision that the credit-derivatives market could be anything like it is today,” says Charles Pardue, who worked for Demchak at J.P. Morgan before moving to a hedge fund in London.

Over the coming months, Demchak would put his assault team of math whizzes and marketers to work on fixing the problem. Within the bank, the project was called the Credit Transformation.

Demchak received crucial help from his lieutenant, Blythe Masters, a rising star and formidable presence at the bank. She interned at Morgan while still in college at Cambridge, in Britain, and joined the bank after graduating. Ultracompetitive and driven with a passion for debate, she would give talks and seminars proselytizing about the promise and power of credit derivatives, ultimately becoming their “poster child,” according to credit-­markets consultant Eileen Murphy.

“When you are doing something new, it gets done only by imposing your force of will,” says a former colleague of Masters’. “She was that person.”

Wall Street likes to call its innovations “technologies” to convey a weighty sense of importance. What Demchak and Masters did was combine two of these technologies—securitization and credit derivatives—for the first time.

Securitization has been around since the 1970s. In such a transaction, a group of loans—for example, mortgage, credit card, or corporate loans—is bundled together and sliced up into pieces called tranches. The lowest portion, called the equity, is exposed to the first losses. The next slice up is exposed to the following losses, and so on, until you get to the top. The slices are usually rated by the rating agencies. (Often, the media and even some on Wall Street colloquially refer to tranches of securitizations as derivatives; they aren’t. Tranches are securities backed by a pool of cash-producing assets.)

The Demchak group’s breakthrough was to inject a little magic into standard securitizations. Instead of putting a particular loan into the sliced-up instrument—say, a 30-year loan to I.B.M.—it put a piece of J.P. Morgan’s exposure to I.B.M. into it. For this, the team used credit-default swaps, a burgeoning form of credit derivative. In a C.D.S. transaction, the buyer is protected against a default. These contracts had been floating around in small, experimental form for several years, having been created by Bankers Trust, a scrappy cowboy investment bank.

Demchak’s team was the first to take them wholesale, using credit-default swaps in a huge deal. They mashed up J.P. Morgan’s exposure to more than 300 giant corporations, created an off-balance-sheet vehicle, then sold slices of that to investors. The vehicle then protected J.P. Morgan from defaults. In effect, Morgan was paying insurance premiums to investors who now were on the hook if one of Morgan’s clients went belly-up. “The innovation of not being tied to specific loans or bonds is what made the credit-derivatives market what it is today,” says Romita Shetty, who was part of Demchak’s team at J.P. Morgan.

Development on the project continued slowly through the second half of 1997, involving painstaking and tedious legal and accounting work, quantitative analysis, and hand-holding and persuasion of banking regulators and credit-rating agencies. Demchak and Masters wanted their first deal to hit the market by the end of the year so that Morgan could get credit for it when the bank reported its earnings. The period was so intense that Masters, an avid equestrienne, at one point took a conference call from atop her horse.

Finally, in December 1997, Demchak’s team closed on this first big credit-derivatives deal, the Broad Indexed Secured Trust Offering, or Bistro for short. Insurance companies and banks, the initial customers, were enthusiastic, snapping it up in just two weeks. The deal was enormous for the time, off-loading more than $9.7 billion of J.P. Morgan’s exposure. Morgan had succeeded in reducing its balance-sheet risk and was able to free up capital to buy its stock back.

J.P. Morgan would go on to launch a credit-­derivatives assembly line, becoming the Henry Ford of the new financial market. Throughout the 1990s, the bank was a major player in persuading lawmakers to allow the derivatives markets to remain unregulated—a move regulators are now reevaluating. Bistro helped J.P. Morgan traders in London kick-start the expansion of the “single-name” C.D.S. market, where individual contracts that cover just one company or entity trade hands. This market became liquid and deep by the early 2000s. “We had 100 people,” Demchak recalls. “We helped create the regulatory framework, the legal and accounting framework, and we did billions. We industrialized the product.”

J.P. Morgan continues to dominate the world of derivatives. It has derivatives contracts tied to $90 trillion of underlying securities. Of that, $10.2 trillion are credit-derivatives contracts. Those mind-boggling totals are somewhat misleading. They reflect what is called the “notional” amount in the world of derivatives, based on the underlying amount of the contract, not its current value. When offsetting contracts are taken into account, that figure is whittled down to a much smaller—though still enormous—$109 billion of derivatives, of which $26 billion are credit derivatives. That’s the amount the bank could lose if all its trading partners went out of business, an extremely remote event. But the exposure is climbing, up 17.4 percent from the end of 2007. That’s equal to 20 percent of the bank’s net worth.

Bistro “was the most sublime piece of financial engineering that was ever developed. It was breathtaking in terms of beauty and elegance,” says Satyajit Das, a risk consultant and the author of Traders, Guns, and Money, a financial history. But “in many ways,” Das adds, “J.P. Morgan created Frankenstein’s monster.”

For J.P. Morgan, Bistro worked wonderfully. But even in that first deal, the weaknesses in structured finance and credit derivatives that would come to the fore in the 2007 credit-market crash were already there.

Despite its blue-chip assets, Bistro didn’t perform pristinely. The initial slice, the equity layer that Morgan retained as a cushion against trouble, was so thin that it couldn’t weather even one default from one of the bigger companies in the bundle. That ultimately happened, wiping the slice out entirely. The investors who were one notch up, in what’s called the mezzanine layer, lost money as well. Even the buyers of the top-rated tranches, which were thought to be rock solid, had to endure bumpy periods before they got their money back.

During that first major deal, the credit-rating agencies, which were supposed to be impartial, were already deeply enmeshed in the give-and-take of the process. A former Morgan banker who helped create Bistro recalls that Standard & Poor’s was giving the bank a tough time. The rating firm would run the deal through its models, and “each time, it came up with disastrous results. We did some tinkering and all of a sudden, it could rate the deal,” the banker says.

The pattern was set. The rating agencies would become integral to the creation of the structures. Standard & Poor’s says questioning that first deal was appropriate and stands by its original rating. It further says it doesn’t get involved in structuring deals. But the close relationships between the rating agencies and the Wall Street firms were heavily criticized following widespread mortgage-related securities failures after the housing bubble burst.

After Bistro, investors and regulators embraced derivatives as ways to free up capital to make more loans. Banks around the world used the structures to off-load their own credit risk. Competitors rushed to copy Morgan and Bistro.

The knockoffs and followups were even more flawed than the original model. The second Bistro deal, in 1998, suffered credit downgrades. One of the big deals that followed fast on Bistro’s heels was York Funding, a Credit Suisse structure. “They stuffed it with the worst possible credits,” recalls a former rating-agency employee who examined the deal.

One major problem was that banks had the ability to substitute loans in and out of the structure, as long as the loans had the same credit rating. This allowed managers to scour their books for a loan that looked shaky but still retained a good credit rating and swap it in for a healthier one. The tranche’s credit rating would remain the same, making the whole deal look better on paper than it actually was.

Ultimately, the game became less about reducing risk and more about fooling regulators and the rating agencies. “From 1999 to 2000, there was a lot of innovation for innovation’s sake. A lot of products game the rating agencies and game the regulatory capital requirements,” says a former J.P. Morgan banker who was involved with Bistro.

Warning signs piled up. After the tech bubble burst in 2000, myriad similar deals performed terribly. Some were backed by corporate loans. Many were Bistro-like constructs with credit derivatives. As a class, they hadn’t made it through a cycle of corporate defaults profitably, the acid test of any stable credit product. In his recounting of the period, Das writes, “The credit models failed miserably.”

Despite the obvious failure of the first round of this wizardry, Wall Street was at it again by 2003, this time with mortgages. Investment banks sold billions of structured securities, made up mostly of housing loans to subprime customers with shaky credit. As the market got going, Wall Street bundled leveraged loans made to companies that had junk ratings from the credit-rating agencies. At the peak in 2006, Wall Street issued $89 billion worth of Bistro-like structures called synthetic collateralized-debt obligations. Many of the $415 billion worth of the main type of C.D.O. carried embedded credit derivatives as well.

It’s not surprising that they failed again. Investors and financial firms lost hundreds of billions of dollars as part of the housing and corporate loan meltdown. Only then did the credit-rating agencies come under assault for being too closely involved in helping Wall Street create the complex structures. It took until this year for the structured-finance market to come to a screeching halt.

Today, the financial markets are living in the slipstream of the Bistro deal. “People like to talk about what a shambles the banking system is. But it’s a shambles by design. You are taking on capital, reserving some of it, and lending it out. The whole system is levered,” says a former J.P. Morgan banker. After Bistro, it became more so.

The practice of crafting loans that banks had no intention of keeping on their own balance sheets wasn’t invented by J.P. Morgan, nor was the credit-derivatives market solely responsible for making it possible. Certainly, not all the lending excesses, especially in mortgages, can be laid at the feet of the complex Wall Street structures that used derivatives. But Bistro spread the popularity of this “originate and distribute” model. This experience taught the banking industry that loans designed to be sold to investors for a quick profit performed much more poorly than loans that banks had to keep. ( NB DON )

In addition to keeping the very small piece of Bistro’s first-loss equity slice, J.P. Morgan retained part of the very top slice. Demchak’s team christened it “super­senior.” His group knew that there were risks, though slight, in keeping exposure to these slices. A.I.G., Merrill Lynch, and bond insurers MBIA and Ambac ignored them. Knowingly or not, these firms followed the Bistro deal, retaining super­senior exposure on their books to billions of dollars’ worth of structures in recent years. These companies thought—erroneously—that the slices were so unlikely to default that they needn’t set aside much capital for that eventuality.

The problem was that the underlying assets propping these slices up weren’t blue-chip loans but rather loans to subprime borrowers and junk companies. The supersenior slices turned out to be enormously risky, exposing these companies to huge losses.

Bankers have lost their heads in the past several years. The financial system has run amok. When the federal government took control of mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the takeover was deemed a “credit event,” triggering the credit-default swaps that other companies held as insurance against such an event. A week later, Lehman filed for bankruptcy, shrouding the market in an even greater fog. And then, investors in A.I.G. panicked. The insurance giant had written hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of protection on the supersenior slices of mortgage-backed securities. Because of its high credit rating, A.I.G. hadn’t needed to post any initial collateral. But as the market sent the cost of default protection soaring, A.I.G.’s trading partners demanded collateral from the insurer. A.I.G. didn’t have it. Credit-rating agencies downgraded the insurance company, requiring that it post even more collateral. This left A.I.G. teetering on the edge of bankruptcy, and in an unprecedented intervention, it had to be nationalized by the federal government. For the first time, the C.D.S. market shrank in the first half of the year, after doubling every year since 2001.

Bistro had tied the world together, taking credit risk from the banks and passing it on to anyone who wanted it. For years, proponents of credit derivatives, including then-Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan and current chair Ben Bernanke, had celebrated the way they spread risk. Everyone might share a little bit of risk, but no firm would collapse from it. Yet in this credit crisis, everyone has become infected.

You can almost detect a crisis of faith in Demchak. In the past eight years, he’s seen one market failure after another. First came the Chase takeover of J.P. Morgan. Chase’s stock soared in the ’90s as investors credulously rewarded its growth. Although it was able to take over the languishing J.P. Morgan, Chase had exposure to almost every big blowup in the wake of the bursting of the 1990s stock market bubble. Much of Demchak’s good work to off-load risk was for naught. (After Demchak left J.P. Morgan in 2002, almost every member of his team followed except Masters, who now runs the bank’s commodities businesses and is regarded as a possible C.E.O. candidate one day.)

Then the credit markets ran wild, with bankers handing out loans that Demchak knew could never be profitable. Today, the markets are gripped with what he sees as an oft-irrational panic, driving prices to fluctuate wildly.

Since Ronald Reagan’s presidency, the dominant ideology governing the financial world has been what George Soros calls “market fundamentalism”—the belief that we should trust the market when deciding how to allocate our resources. We’ll all be better off, the argument goes, if capital is allowed to flow wherever the prices call for it, with as little central planning and governmental interference as possible.

But we have had two great investment bubbles, first in the stock market and now in the credit markets. For the first time in a generation, even some bankers question whether the markets know anything. If they can’t be trusted, what’s going to replace them?

“I used to be the biggest advocate of marking everything to market at all times, because it keeps everyone honest,” Demchak says, referring to the practice of recording the value on the books at the current value. But he saw markets overreacting, swinging from euphoria to pessimism. Now he thinks the fates of great companies are in the hands of inexperienced traders speculating in thin markets. A colleague com­plained to Demchak recently that “some 24-year-old kid is going to mark me down or up 100 million bucks today. How is that?”

Demchak understands his colleague’s frustration. “He is right.”