Friday, January 30, 2009

Gowing: So there's no personal responsibility? Frenkel: At least as far as I'm concerned, there isn't.

From Justin Fox:

"Davos cross-post: AIG vice chairman Jacob Frenkel says it's not his fault because he's vice chairman in name only

The Tayyip Erdogan-Shimon Peres rumble last night was partly about Gaza. But it was also about the limitations of panel moderation at Davos. I don't mean to single out David Ignatius, whose failure to keep Israeli President Peres from vastly exceeding his allotted time apparently incensed the Turkish prime minister. I had been at another panel Thursday morning where Peres rambled on and on, ignoring several polite nudges from moderator Maria Ramos, a South African CEO. The prominence and self-importance of many of the speakers here, coupled with a certain cultural sensitivity to behaving in ways that people from other countries might find obnoxious, seems to keep moderators from exercising the discipline often needed to make discussions work.

So it was refreshing this afternoon to watch the BBC's Nik Gowing make no attempt to avoid obnoxiousness in a made-for-TV discussion about financial crisis and regulation. He was especially tough on Jacob Frenkel, the former University of Chicago economist and Israeli central bank chief who for the past few years has possessed the (now somewhat embarrassing) title of vice chairman of AIG.

In past years—especially last year—Frenkel was Davos's designated optimist. By now he has acceded to reality, essentially conceding today that everything his fellow panelist and former intellectual antagonist Nouriel Roubini said was right. But when Gowing asked him about his culpability for AIG's colossal wipeout, Frenkel initially avoided the question by saying there had been a systemic collapse in which AIG had been caught up. In a disbelieving voice, Gowing kept pressing him, finally leading to this exchange:

Gowing: So there's no personal responsibility?

Frenkel: At least as far as I'm concerned, there isn't.

Later, Frenkel explained that, despite his fancy title, he's not actually on AIG's board. (He didn't say this, but I think he was basically hired to represent the firm at events like Davos.) It was sporting of him to even show up, I guess—I didn't see anybody else from a bailed-out financial firm on hand—and even more sporting to submit to Gowing's interrogation. But Davos could definitely use a bit more of Gowing's attitude this year."

And me:
  1. donthelibertariandemocrat Says:

    It never fails to amaze me that when things go sideways or even worse, these well compensated financial types, so used to being thought of as geniuses because they make a lot of money, suddenly admit to being useless or idiots. They'll admit to anything to avoid taking responsibility, which might get them sued or worse. It's like a pantomime, which occurs every few years, instead of yearly at Christmas.

but when everyone does it, we get debt deflation — a rising real burden of debt, which weighs on the economy

From Paul Krugman:

"
Damnification

In a famous 1958 paper my old teacher Jagdish Bhagwati described the conditions for “immiserizing growth” — a situation in which an expansion in an economy’s production, by driving down the price of its exports, actually reduces its real income. It was a classic demonstration that sometimes individually rational actions can make everyone (at least in one national economy) worse off — although I prefer the terminology of Edgeworth, who noticed the possibility more than a century ago, and talked of nations being “damnified” by their expansion.

I bring this up because the key feature of our current economy, I believe, is that we’re being damnified on multiple fronts.

The paradox of thrift is the best-known example: when everyone tries to save more in an economy in which interest rates are up against the zero bound, everyone’s income falls, and we’re worse off than before. The paradox of deleveraging has gotten currency, too: everyone tries to shrink their balance sheet, and the result is plunging asset prices, which leave everyone worse capitalized than before.

But there’s at least one more form of damnification that has me really worried: the paradox of deflation. An individual company or worker can preserve a business or a job by accepting a lower price; but when everyone does it, we get debt deflation — a rising real burden of debt, which weighs on the economy — and also start to have deflationary expectations built into lending and investment decisions, which further depresses the economy. And once you’re in a deflationary trap, it’s very hard to get out.

If you ask me, the really scary report today wasn’t the GDP release, although that was plenty bad, but the employment cost index, which shows wage gains falling off fast. Wages aren’t declining, yet (although stories of wage cuts in particular firms are, I believe, more common than at any time since the 1930s); and we don’t have actual deflation in consumer prices, yet; but we’re moving in that direction. And we’re only in the early stages of a slump that, in the words of the CBO director,

absent a change in fiscal policy, CBO projects that the shortfall in the nation’s output relative to potential levels will be the largest– in duration and depth– since the Depression of the 1930s.

This really should be the key point in the stimulus debate. Yes, the effects of fiscal policy are uncertain; yes, running up large debts is risky; but doing nothing is even riskier, because there’s a high probability that if we don’t act strongly deflation will get embedded in the economy. We may be damned if we do, but we’ll almost surely be damnified if we don’t."

And Don:

We have had a Calling Run, followed by a Proactivity Run ( Proactive Layoffs ), and now we’re beginning a Savings Spree. All this has happened in four months. We need to stimulate inflation. We should adopt a stronger monetary response. The stimulus is really focused on the fear and aversion to risk. It will help, but Shiller is right. To cause inflation, it would have to be larger than announced. Unfortunately, we are constrained by budget concerns. In other words, monetary policy will have to do the heavy lifting. Fisher’s paper on Debt-Deflation is my main guide in these views.
— Don the libertarian Democrat

when I realized that actor Jet Li was standing politely by waiting to be included in the conversation.

From Justin Fox:

"Davos cross-post: The parties go on (because, you know, they were already paid for anyway)

One of the major themes of the World Economic Forum this year and every year is "Full payment required in advance." This, more than anything else, explains why the show is going on in somewhat inappropriate style here in the midst of global economic crisis. Sponsors' dollars were already in, hotel rooms were already paid for and—perhaps most important—party locales were already booked before it became apparent to all that the global economy was collapsing. All this will almost certainly be different next January, leading to a much smaller, more sober event even if the economy is already recovering.

For now, though, the parties go on. As the FT's Gideon Rachman writes:

I was expounding my theory that this is the party-free Davos to a colleague from The Economist, who then dismayed me by producing a vast folder of party invitations. So it appears there are lots of parties - I just haven't been invited. My former colleague rather grandly picked out some of the B-list invitations he wouldn't be using and tossed them my way - a German bank, an Indian newspaper, that kind of thing. Then he spotted a functionary from the Clinton Global Initiative, called him over and suggested that he invite the FT's foreign-affairs columnist (me) to the CGI party in the Davos museum. The functionary looked at me for a moment and then said: “I'm afraid it's a very restricted space.” Oh well, I'm going to a South African jazz party instead - and I won't even have to gatecrash.

I'm about at Rachman's level of party access (I didn't even know about the Clinton party), and I've still gotten invites to more events than I could ever attend. And I go to them, instead of sitting in my room blogging (or sleeping), mainly because there doesn't seem to be any point in coming all this way if not to interact with interesting/famous/important/rich people in a different sort of context than journalists usually get to do.

Last night's most surreal such interactions came at TIME's cocktail party, a modest little event that by virtue of its location (in an art gallery on the way from the convention center to all the other parties) and its starting time (about an hour before all the other parties) briefly attracted a shockingly star-studded crowd. At one point, not long after Jimmy Wales had introduced me to Peter Gabriel, I was talking wonky stuff with Stanford economist Paul Romer when I realized that actor Jet Li was standing politely by waiting to be included in the conversation. So I asked him a question about his One Foundation, and that got things going.

What good does any of this do me and the shareholders of Time Warner? Not sure—although the TIME party's turnout must have impressed any potential advertisers in the crowd (if there are any potential advertisers out there anymore) at least a little. In any case, I'll be out again tonight, in part because of the sense that, after this week, the Davos party circuit may be in for a long hiatus."

And I say:

  1. donthelibertariandemocrat Says:

    I would have told Jet Li to wait his turn or I'll whip his ass.

get desperate to save the core principles that lead to prosperity and development

From Aid Watch:

"
Jeff Sachs is Right! (at least about one thing)

By William Easterly

When the global economy is in free fall and everyone else seems ready to throw each and every Econ 101 principle out the window, we economists – including some previously heterodox – get desperate to save the core principles that lead to prosperity and development.

See Economists Go Back to Basics at Forbes.com.

Leaders Go Left, But Economists Get Back To Basics
William Easterly 01.30.09, 12:00 AM ET

The conventional view at Davos is that a previous consensus in favor of free enterprise has taken a huge beating from the Great Crash of 2008-2009. What is much less known is that many economists are not willing to play along.

Instead, the crisis seems to have scared many economists of all kinds--including some previously heterodox--to reassert the orthodox recommendations of Econ 101.

I knew something very different was going on among economists when the world's leading trade skeptic, Dani Rodrik of Harvard, the intellectual protector of protectionists, said on his blog on Dec. 31 that protectionism would be catastrophic right now.

A very diverse group of leading economists of all ideological stripes met at a preparatory conference for Davos in Dubai in November 2008. They said in a formal statement that one of their chief tasks is "advocating against the deregulation backlash." An update right before Davos by this same group stressed the importance of "openness to trade" and "competitive markets."

Then there's another school of thought that asks WWJD? What would Jeff do? Jeffrey Sachs has spent more than two decades calling for the U.S. government to spend huge sums on anything that moves, from Bolivia to Poland to Russia to global health to Africa to global warming. But on Wednesday, Jan. 28, as Davos opened, Sachs suddenly announced that he is now a U.S. deficit hawk.

"Without a sound medium-term fiscal framework, the stimulus package can easily do more harm than good, since the prospect of trillion-dollar-plus deficits as far as the eye can see will weigh heavily on the confidence of consumers and businesses, and thereby undermine even the short-term benefits of the stimulus package."

He sounds like one of those IMF fiscal austerity priests issuing a stern reprimand to some benighted land--like those that prior to Wednesday he derided at every opportunity. But on today's deficit dangers at home, I had to agree with Jeff Sachs for the first time in over a decade.

Until recently, there had been over two decades of economists flogging a dead horse called the Washington Consensus, which was an economic policy view summarized by John Williamson in 1980.

That consensus included guess what: deregulation, openness to trade, competitive markets and fiscal austerity. It was bad that these ideas had a "Washington" label attached, because the World Bank and IMF often forced such principles--and very specific reforms that they thought, often erroneously, followed from such principles--down the throats of poor country governments. Such coercion violates democratic rights of poor people, but it doesn't mean the original Consensus principles were bad in of themselves--they were mild assertions of mainstream economic ideas.

What is going on? I think we economists love to speculate about heterodox theories when times are good and we feel free to discuss experimental alternatives to economic orthodoxy (and nobody is paying us much attention during good times anyway). But when the global economy is in free fall and everyone else seems ready to throw each and every Econ 101 principle out the window, we get desperate to save the core principles that lead to prosperity and development.

Free trade does create opportunities for firms and workers doing what they do best. The government can't forever spend money it doesn't have. Competitive markets reward innovation and efficiency and punish customer-abusing would-be monopolies.

Rapid deregulation has its risks, which we have learned that financial regulators should manage carefully, but too much regulation is far worse. This is what the Principles textbooks teach us. These ideas made their way into Principles textbooks by some process of natural selection--they were the ideas that stood the test of time in economics, because they were associated with the steady climb toward prosperity of the rich countries and, in the last half century, of the global economy.

There are variations around these core ideas of course, but the variations are always grounded in a home of sensible economics 101. In the midst of the scariest crises of our lifetimes, economists are coming home.

William Easterly is an economics professor at New York University and the author of The White Man's Burden: Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good."

Moi:

Aid Watch
Just Asking that Aid Benefit the Poor
Previewing your Comment

"There are variations around these core ideas of course, but the variations are always grounded in a home of sensible economics 101. In the midst of the scariest crises of our lifetimes, economists are coming home."

I'm trying to understand this statement logically. In a crisis, economists go back to textbooks. How then do textbooks change, or is economics a set of simple truisms like Poor Richard's Almanac?If I understood Kuhn correctly, it is crises during which science advances. Perhaps I'm wrong about Kuhn, or economics isn't a science.

Sadly,for some at least, life and science are full of paradoxes and violations of common sense. It might well be, for example, that, in our system in the US, the only way to enforce moral hazard is to take over some banks, and then return them to the private sector scrubbed clean. Paradoxically, you might have to nationalize in order to keep our welfare state functioning. Why? Because that's what the banks fear most.

You say go back to basics. I agree. Try Walter Bagehot and Irving Fisher and Adam Smith for starters. Keynes is good as well, also Hayek, because economists were still then practitioners of political economy. My personal favorite has always been Jevons, even though I haven't read him in years. Skip the current textbooks.

Will they help us? A little. We'll solve this mess in our own way and in our own time, and people will still be arguing about it forever. I've generally found in life that I end up saying "Why wasn't this in the textbooks?"

Thomas Sowell on slow stimulus programs

From Paul Kedrosky:

"
Sowell on Slow Stimulus

Nice quote from Thomas Sowell on slow stimulus programs:

"Using long, drawn-out processes to put money into circulation to meet an emergency is like mailing a letter to the fire department to tell them that your house is on fire."
- Thomas Sowell on the CBO's analysis showing only $26bn of Obama's $355bn public works package will be spent this year, 30/01/09.

[via Popular Delusions]"

Me:

Paul, The stimulus has many aspects. Tax cuts and social safety net money and aid to states will be quite quick. The infrastructure will not, but, it has a different rationale. It is to show that we have the confidence to invest in our future. Tyler Cowen mentions that it can seem like a placebo affect. However, I don't agree. The government needs to be seen investing in the future. Unless you're an anarchist, you believe in government infrastructure spending of some sort, so, as long as the investments make sense, what's the problem? They have an upside, which is more than just a placebo. They're also just part of the stimulus. They're more than I would have spent, but by no means the whole bill or crazy.

For a good discussion of the notion of the importance of confidence in an economic recovery, go to Free Exchange. You can certainly disagree with me on this, but I'm certainly free to disagree with Rational Expectation Theories and Ricardian Equivalence.

Paul again:

Nicely put, Don. As I read Sowell's comment, however, it wasn't an
either/or, it was more that the entire package tilted massive long,
which arguably over-emphasizes the "confidence" aspect over the
"stimulus" aspect.
» 3 hours ago

And me again:

Everyone has fair comments. My approach is behavioral. Let me give you an example. Oddly, productivity is rising. I account for that as being the result of employers proactivly laying off workers. In other words, layoffs are exceeding the fall in demand. Hence, productivity can go up for a while. I interpret the Real GDP numbers similarly. We expected a larger drop than actually occurred.
I call this a Proactivity Run. It is simply my view of Fisher's classic Debt-Deflation article. We will also have a Savings Spree. The only difference between my view and Fisher's is that I account for these actions using behavior. Hence, I see what we are experiencing now as the opposite of what we've just gone through: namely, exuberance and panic while ignoring fundamentals. If we can diminish the fear and aversion to risk, and focus on fundamentals, then we will find that we can move out of this crisis much easier than many believe. I find that Fisher's model is a very useful guide to what we are going through. My views are also a lot like Shiller's. Sadly, our debt level doesn't allow the kind of temporary stimulus that Shiller wants. But I agree with him that human agency, behavior, is the key to economic behavior. Other models I consider mechanistic, and based on a faulty view of human rationality and the relation of math to the world. I am also not an economist. I am just a citizen, which I why I appreciate all of the comments, especially Paul's. Many bloggers don't take the time to interact with posters.

Me responding to a comment:

The facts are otherwise. Normally, Productivity declines. Read Mulligan here for his view of why things are different this time around:

http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2008/12/24/are-...

I would write more about this but I have to go out to dinner. I'd be interested in whether you find my explanation or Mulligan's more convincing. Dean Baker has a view similar to mine.

Thus, the existence of CDSs operates as a safety valve on the issuance of MBSs.

From Derivative Dribble, now on the Atlantic Business Channel:

"Jan 29 2009, 10:15 am


Demon credit default swaps: the case of the synthetic security
An essay on mortgage backed securities. See also The Demand For Risk And A Macroeconomic Theory of Credit Default Swaps

Mortgage backed securities allow investors to gain exposure to the housing market by taking on credit risk linked to a pool of mortgages. Although the underlying mortgages are originated by banks, the existence of investor demand for MBSs allows the originators to effectively pass the mortgages off to the investors and pocket a fee. Thus, the greater the demand for MBSs, the greater the total value of mortgages that originators will issue and ultimately pass off to investors. So, the originators might front the money for the mortgages in many cases, but the effective path of funds is from the investors, to the originators, and onto the borrower. As a result, investors in MBSs are the effective lenders in this arrangement, since they bear the credit risk of the mortgages.

This market structure also has an effect on the interest rates charged on the underlying mortgages. As investor demand for MBSs increases, the amount of cash available for mortgages will increase, pushing the interest rates charged on the underlying mortgages down as originators compete for borrowers.

Loss In The Context Of Derivatives And Mortgages

I often note that derivatives cannot create net losses in the system. That is, they simply transfer money between two parties. If one party loses X, the other gains X, so the net loss between the two parties is zero. (For more on this, go here.)

This is not the case with a mortgage. The lender gives money to the borrower, who then spends this money on a home. Say a lender and borrower entered into a mortgage and that before it's paid off, the value of the home falls, prompting the borrower to default on their mortgage. Generally at this point the lender forecloses on the property, selling it at a loss. Since the buyer receives none of the foreclosure proceeds, the buyer can be viewed as either neutral or incurring a loss, since at least some of the borrower's mortgage payments went towards equity ownership and not just occupancy. It follows that there is a loss to the lender and either no change in or a loss to the borrower and therefore a net loss. (If the mortgage encouraged builders to spend too much building houses no one wants, there's a net loss to the economy as a whole.) This demonstrates what we have all recently learned: poorly underwritten mortgages can create net losses.

Net Losses And Efficiency

You can argue that even in the case that both parties to an agreement incur losses, the net loss to the economy is zero, since the cash transferred under the agreement was not destroyed but merely moved through the economy to market participants that are not a party to the agreement. That is, if you expand the number of parties to a sufficient degree, all transactions will net to zero. While this must be the case, it misses an essential point: I am using net losses to bilateral agreements as a proxy for inefficient allocation of capital.

Both parties to the mortgage expected to benefit from the agreement, yet both lost money, which implies that neither benefited from the agreement. For example, in the case of a mortgage, the borrower expects to pay off the mortgage but benefit from the use and eventual ownership or sale of the home. The lender expects to profit from the interest paid on the mortgage. When both of these expectations fail, I take this as implying that the initial agreement was an inefficient allocation of capital. This might not always be the case, and of course it depends on how you define efficiency. But as a general rule, it is my opinion that net losses to a bilateral agreement are a reasonable proxy for inefficient allocation of capital.

Expectations Of Lender/Borrower vs. Protection Seller/Buyer

As mentioned above, under a mortgage, the lender expects to benefit from the interest paid on the mortgage, while the borrower expects to benefit from the use and eventual ownership or sale of the home. Both parties assume that the mortgage will be repaid.

An economist would say that the lender is long on the mortgage, which is to say, the lender gains if the mortgage is fully repaid. Although application of the concepts of long and short to the borrower's position is awkward at best, the borrower is certainly not short on the mortgage--they do not gain if they fail to repay the mortgage. They might mitigate their losses by defaulting and declaring bankruptcy, but that's not really an improvement on their position before they bought the house. Both only really benefit if, as they both expect, the mortgage is fully repaid.

If we consider only lenders and borrowers, then, there are no participants with a true short position in the market. Thus, price, which in this case is an interest rate, will be determined by participants with similar positive expectations and incentives. Anyone with a negative view of the market has no role to play and therefore no effect on price.

This is not the case with credit default swaps (CDSs) referencing MBSs. In such a CDS, the protection seller is long on the MBS and therefore long on the underlying mortgages, and the protection buyer is short. That is, if the MBS pays out, the protection seller gains on the swap; and if the MBS defaults, the protection buyer gains on the swap. The two parties are expressing, through the CDS, their opposing expectations of the performance of the underlying security. Thus, the CDS market provides an opportunity to express a negative view of mortgage default risk.

The Effect Of Synthetic Instruments On "Real" Instruments

As mentioned above, the CDS market provides a method of shorting MBSs. But how does that effect the price of MBSs and ultimately interest rates?

As I've previously described, the cash flows of any bond, including MBSs, can be synthesized using Treasuries and CDSs. Using this technique, a fully funded synthetic bond consists of the long end of a CDS, and a Treasury. The spread that the synthetic instrument pays over the risk free rate is determined by the price of protection that the CDS pays the investor (who in this case is the protection seller).

One consequence of this is that there are opportunities for arbitrage between the market for real bonds and CDSs if the two markets don't reach an equilibrium. Because this opportunity for arbitrage is rather obvious, we assume that it will be quickly traded away. As the price of protection on MBSs increases, the spread over the risk free rate paid by MBSs should widen, and visa versa. Thus, as the demand for protection on MBSs increases, we would expect the interest rates paid by MBSs to increase, thereby increasing the interest rates on mortgages. So those with a negative view of MBS default risk raise the cost of mortgage funds by buying protection through CDSs on MBSs, thereby inadvertently "correcting" what they view as underpriced default risk.

In addition to the no-obvious-arbitrage argument outlined above, we can consider how the existence of synthetic MBSs affects the supply of comparable investments, and thereby interest rates. As mentioned above, any MBS can be synthesized using CDSs and Treasuries (when the synthetic MBS is unfunded or partially funded, it consists of CDSs and other investments, not just Treasuries). Thus, investors will have a choice between investing in real MBSs or synthetic MBSs. And as explained above, the price of each should come to an equilibrium that excludes any opportunity for obvious arbitrage between the two investments. We'd expect at least some investors to be indifferent between the two.



Depending on whether the synthetics are fully funded or not, the principal investment will go to the Treasuries market or back into the capital markets respectively. Note that synthetic MBSs can exist only when there is a protection buyer for the CDS that comprises part of the synthetic. Only when interest rates on MBSs drop low enough, along with the price of protection on MBSs, will protection buyers enter CDS contracts. So when protection buyers think that interest rates on MBSs are too low to reflect the actual probability of default, their desire to profit from this will spur the issuance of synthetic MBSs, thereby diverting cash from the mortgage market and into either Treasuries or other areas of the capital markets. Thus, the existence of CDSs operates as a safety valve on the issuance of MBSs. When interest rates sink too low, synthetics will be issued, diverting cash away from the mortgage market.
And me:

Previewing your Comment

Charles, Congratulations.I think I posed that gambling question in October. Underlying it, I argued, was a moral notion of unproductive investment. Here's my current view:

You are absolutely correct. CDSs can help in the following ways:
1) Mirror Bonds
2) As insurance
3) Counterbalance other investments
4) Provide price information in a calcified market
5) Provide investments with less capital requirements
All of these are valid uses. Only misuse renders them a problem. Any such misuse is either a crime or financial malpractice. Could someone refer to a post that actually details how CDSs caused these problems? The last post I went to, on RGE Monitor, had more hedges in it than a hedge fund.

Real people misused these instruments. Those people need to be held to account. The arguments I'm hearing are more moral than economic:
a) They bet on things going bad
b) They bet against the government bailout
c) They don't produce anything real
Then don't buy them.

This legislation is as silly and short-sighted as short selling bans. Welcome to the world of blaming inanimate objects for human failings. Don't we all feel better?

My own view's on our current crisis follow Irving Fisher's classic paper on Debt-Deflation. In my view, the trigger for this crisis were the poor loans that began a foreclosure tsunami, the eventual end of which will be a major loss in the value of homes. That loss in home value is the real problem, and it has a number of serious problems associated with it.
1) A negative wealth effect
2) Loss of property taxes
3) Shell shocked lenders ( I notice that Meredith Whitney supports this view )
4) Triggering insurance payments on CDSs
5) Triggering calls on other investments to make up for the losses in mortgages and insurance
Notice that the CDSs figure in on 4 and 5.In other words, the loss of wealth in homes and on mortgages caused the Calling Run, not the other way around. I have yet to see any evidence that shows that CDSs clearly caused the problem. In order to understand what has happened, you have to explain why a Calling Run occurred. Why did people demand up front money, and not just on CDSs? For example, why did AIG need to raise money immediately? The reason is that there was a general panic about how many home foreclosures that there would be, and how low home prices would fall. In that uncertainty, investors made calls on cash with anyone who had anything to do with mortgages. That was the problem. To the extent that there were problems with CDSs, it has to do with not expecting a Calling Run or Debt-Deflation to occur. If this seems odd, remember that this is exactly how our banking system works. Theoretically, Bank Runs can occur. That's why we have FDIC insurance on deposits. To forestall a Bank Run. Had insurance been in place, as Ricardo Caballero has argued, the Calling Run might well not have occurred, and these assets would have been exchanged in an orderly manner, although with large losses because of the foreclosure tsunami. There was no way to escape that.


Previewing your Comment

One more point: Strictly speaking, the AIG problem was caused by a ratings downgrade which triggered capital requirements, but the downgrade was caused by a fear of AIG not being able to weather a Calling Run.

John Martyn - One For The Road - Jools Holland 2004

From Clive Crook on the FT:

"
Now you see what words have done


January 29, 2009

In view of his poor health in recent years, I wasn’t surprised to hear from an old friend this morning that John Martyn had died, but I was taken aback by my reaction: it moved me very much. Martyn was an extraordinarily talented singer, guitarist and composer. I have been devoted to his music since my teens. For much of that time, I listened to at least a song or two of his almost every day. Even now, 35 years on, I dare say not a week goes by without my putting on one of his records. And more often than not, when I listen to one song of his, I end up listening to many.

Once in the early 1970s I turned up at one of his concerts to find fewer than 20 other people in the audience. He marched us to the pub round the corner and played for us there. He even bought a round, but came out well ahead over the course of the evening. Michael reminds me of a fabulous concert at the Oxford Polytechnic way back when. (Somebody from the audience shouted, “Play something difficult.” So he did.) By the time I went with my daughter to see him at Warwick University in 2005 he was in his wheelchair and almost unrecognisable. The music was still superb. Most of his devotees regard records such as “Solid Air” or “One World” as his best–and they are fabulous. But I like his later albums even better. If I was allowed to keep only one, it would be “Cooltide”. More recently than that, “Glasgow Walker” was another gem.

It find it a sad scandal that he never became very well-known or made much money, while posers such as Sting, who I suppose occupies a similar place in the spectrum of popular music, are as rich as Croesus. Not that Martyn ever seemed to care. His life, by all accounts, was a shambles, but he seemed to find his setbacks–almost all of his own making–ridiculous and amusing. The main thing is that he made more wonderful music than all of the stars now saying they were influenced by him put together".

My feeling:

My favorite song is “Piece By Piece”. I have it on a loop that I listen to all the time. But he had a lot of great songs. Posted by: Don the libertarian Democrat | January 30th, 2009 at 7:29 pm | Report this comment

More Martyn:

EVERYBODY IS A STAR - SLY & THE FAMILY STONE

Morning music:

Wow, in dollar terms, I was close on each of the spending categories

From Casey Mulligan:

"Wow I was close on Nominal GDP

Wow, in dollar terms, I was close on each of the spending categories (see below)!

I expected the GDP deflator to fall a lot more, and the experts thought it would rise. I wonder how much GDP deflator revision is possible.




Blogger Don said...

I believe that Bob Murphy is correct. I believe that is has to do with the way you view the Productivity Numbers. You say that workers are holding out. I say that Employers are Proactively laying workers off in anticipation of the depth of the downturn. In other words, the layoffs are exceeding the fall in demand. Hence, a temporary rise in productivity. My evidence amounts to quite a few posts showing that this is exactly what employers and employment experts are now saying is happening. Remember, I said that this would happen months ago. A Proactivity Run is a consequence of a Calling Run. These are my own terms for Fisher's Debt-Deflation, which I think is turning out to be a very useful model for what's happening. Based on Fisher, I also predicted a Savings Spree which is now occurring as well.
The current numbers are in line with what I said, only worse. I too thought that GDP would only go down 1%. The real fall is very worrying, because for me it means things are moving faster than Fisher's view would indicate. This is more like falling dominoes. If the projections were using unemployment numbers, then I see that the real drop is less than the drop expected given unemployment. Hence, more evidence that jobs are being shed far ahead of the actual amount of the downturn. Having said all this, I ,quite frankly, find these numbers more dubious than most as a general rule. They are useful, but no more. I admit to not being an economist. I'm just a citizen trying to understand the world. I have to admit that your productivity point does seem important, even though I disagree on what it means.
By the way, I enjoy any comments that help me understand these issues.

January 30, 2009 8:55 AM

the possibility of hyperinflation hitting the western shores of the UK, Europe and the US in their latest note. Their conclusion is a little scary.

From Alphaville:

"
Hyperinflation is a possibility, say Morgan Stanley

That’s not in Zimbabwe by the way.

Morgan Stanley’s Jocahcim Fels and Spyros Andreopoulos look at the possibility of hyperinflation hitting the western shores of the UK, Europe and the US in their latest note. Their conclusion is a little scary (our emphasis).
One stark lesson from the ongoing financial and economic crisis is that so-called black swans — large-impact, hard-to-predict and seemingly rare events — can occur more frequently than generally believed.With policymakers around the world throwing massive conventional and unconventional monetary and fiscal stimuli at their economies, we think that it is worth exploring the black swan event of very high inflation or even hyperinflation.

While such an outcome is clearly not our main case, the risk of hyperinflation cannot be dismissed very easily any longer, in our view. We discuss the historical evidence, the conditions that can lead to very high or hyperinflation, and whether and how it might happen again.

So hypinflation is a black-swan event that, given all the other black-swan events of late, should not be dismissed.

As they remind, the classification of hyperinflation is: an episode where the inflation rate exceeds Hyperinflation50 per cent per month. In history this has occurred in the 1920s in Austria, Germany, Hungary, Poland and Russia. Germany in 1923, for example, experienced a 3.25m per cent inflation rate in a single month (see picture left). Since the 1950s hyperinflations have been experienced in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Peru, Ukraine and Zimbabwe - so confined largely to developing and transitioning economies.

The root cause of hyperinflation is: ‘excessive money supply growth, usually caused by governments instructing their central banks to help finance expenditures through rapid money creation.’

Back to whether it could happen to Europe or the US? Morgan Stanley says possibly yes, under certain conditions.

Firstly, the rapid expansion of the monetary base by the Fed, ECB and BoE would have to continue and feed into a more rapid and sustained expansion of money in the hands of the general public.

G4 base money growth - Morgan Stanley

Secondly, Morgan Stanley says governments would have to face difficulties financing their bailout packages and funding their debt.

Lastly, public confidence in the government’s ability to service debt without resorting to the printing press would have to disappear, as well as the government’s actual ability to withstand the pressure to do so in the first place.

And while all of the above is an extreme scenario, the Morgan Stanley analysts say:

…given the size of the current and prospective economic and financial problems, and given the size of the monetary and fiscal stimulus that central banks and governments are throwing at these problems, investors would be well advised not to ignore this tail risk, especially as markets are priced for the opposite outcome of lasting deflation in the next several years. Put differently, we believe that buying some insurance against the black swan event of high inflation or even hyperinflation makes sense and is relatively cheap currently.

Of course, when hyperinflation occurred in the eastern block countries towards the end of the communist era, most citizens hedged via significant purchases of black-market US dollars, the US dollar becoming the effective proxy store of value. This time round, that would not be an option.

Weimar hyperinflation

Related links:
Gideon Gono, hyperinflator
- FT Alphaville
QE confidential
- FT Alphaville
Will you be making a withdrawal sir?
- Chillington Wheelbarrows

Me:

Don the Libertarian Democrat Jan 30 16:17
Could some of the seers tell me how to compare the Black Swan possibilities of Debt-Deflation and Hyperinflation?

The financial crisis is grave, but there are, believe it or not, worse cases of Knightian uncertainty in our recent past.

From Free Exchange:

"Blanchard roundtable: Pursue contingent policies
Posted by:
The Economist l WASHINGTON
Categories:
Blanchard roundtable

This discussion can be followed in its entirety here.

UNCERTAINTY is a constant in economic life, but Olivier Blanchard notes that at present it is sufficiently pervasive as to be a major exogenous source of restraint on demand. He recommends policies that reduce uncertainty, as distinct from policies that simply boost aggregate demand.

Many of his policies, however, would take effect regardless of the state of the economy. It seems to me, by contrast, that the way to deal with uncertainty is through contingent policies that are triggered when a predetermined bad state of the economy is reached. Such policies will be all the more powerful if they are widely known in advance. They would thus reassure households, investors, and businesses that tail risks are less likely to be realised, who should become more willing to spend or invest, further reducing those tail risks.

Many traditional economic policies are contingent. Deposit insurance is triggered when a bank fails, which means banks are less likely to fail in the first place. Unemployment insurance benefits are paid out when unemployment rises, which gives households less incentive to build in precautionary saving during recessions, aggravating the downturn. Even monetary policy that follows a Taylor rule is contingent—the more unemployment rises above its natural rate and the more inflation falls below target, the lower real interest rates will go. This may not be prescribed well enough to affect behaviour, but it has gotten us out of most past recessions. Of course, monetary policy in America (and perhaps, before long, in other countries) has reached the zero bound and can no longer fill this contingent role.

Can other contingent policies be created or enhanced to eliminate tail risks? Tyler Cowen suggests, sensibly, strengthening the automatic stabilisers. That is what the Obama fiscal package does by expanding unemployment insurance benefits and extending health care subsidies to the newly unemployed. (By contrast, provisions such as infrastructure spending and tax cuts are not contingent; they will be implemented regardless of the state of the economy). The automatic stabilizers could be put on steroids by, for example, cutting taxes if the unemployment rate rises to predetermined levels. Yes, this would aggravate the deficit, but given that monetary policy is less potent, fiscal policy should assume more of its pre-emptive and contingent character (Of course, fiscal policy is costlier and more difficult to reverse, and Alberto Alesina notes this is a constraint on its open-ended use.).

Arguably uncertainty is most damaging in the financial sector, as it has caused precautionary hoarding of capital and liquidity which is fueling the pullback in aggregate demand. Nowhere are contingent policies more necessary.

As lenders of last resort, central banks are contingent suppliers of liquidity. When private funding dries up, they will lend without limit to any solvent bank willing to pay a penalty rate. The Fed built on this principle with its new liquidity facilities. Term auction credit is available at a slight penalty rate to the overnight index swap rate (OIS), and commercial paper can be issued to the Fed for 100 to 300 basis points over OIS. The benefits of these programmes go well beyond the actual credit extended; their mere existence reduces funding uncertainty for banks and corporations and makes them less likely to hoard cash and cut investment. When Blanchard says the fiscal authority should sell Treasury bills and recycle the proceeds into risky assets, this is precisely what the Fed’s liquidity facilities have done. But because they are contingent, they will wind down of their own accord. The penalty ensures that once private sources of funding become easer to access, official facilities will become less attractive (as is now happening), and this limits the associated risk of inflation.

Policy makers have attempted to implement contingent financial stability policies more generally with much more mixed results. Treasury offered contingent capital to Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac (which would be supplied as their own capital eroded) but then allowed Lehman Brothers to fail and Washington Mutual’s bond holders to be wiped out. The G7 declaration in October that no systemically important institutions would be allowed to fail removed tail risks, but those benefits have been partly undone as policy makers have added uncertainty through the risk of nationalisation or dilution of common shareholders.

A better contingent financial stability policy would offer a relatively clear template to supply additional capital as banks’ capital is depleted, and insurance against further losses on assets, which is what Ricardo Caballero is driving at. Nationalisation without just compensation would be ruled out, but not “creeping nationalisation” via repeated injections so long as the state acquires its shares on the same terms as the private sector. There are of course countless obstacles to overcome for such a policy to work, and political interference will remain a permanent source of uncertainty.

The financial crisis is grave, but there are, believe it or not, worse cases of Knightian uncertainty in our recent past. In the aftermath of 9/11, no one knew if there would be another terrorist attack or how serious it would be. America was either lucky, smart, or both in that no such attack ever came. We still cannot place odds on terrorists using a weapon of mass destruction or on climate change triggering catastrophic natural disasters. By comparison, we have a better chance of dealing with Knightian uncertainty in the economic world."

A short riposte:

"Don the libertarian Democrat wrote:
"Such policies will be all the more powerful if they are widely known in advance."

In order for insurance or guarantees to work, they must in fact be known in advance. The whole point is forestall a run, in this case a Calling Run, by having in place an orderly and effective process of exchanging assets. Such a process would end up costing less and destroying less wealth. It's like the Doomsday Machine in Dr. Strangelove. It was intended to deter us, but remember what happened when the Russians didn't tell us about it.

However, what exactly is being insured? CDSs?CDOs? And how much would it cost? With banks, we insure the depositors up to a certain amount, which just went up, although it's scheduled to go back down. Who are we going to insure? The banks and brokers, or the actual investments? People will want their money back, in any case, if they're afraid they might not get it back if they wait. On the other hand, insuring for a world crisis seems hard to value and set premiums on.

"Nationalisation without just compensation would be ruled out, but not “creeping nationalisation” via repeated injections so long as the state acquires its shares on the same terms as the private sector."

I'm a follower of Bagehot. Surely Free Exchange remembers him. For moral hazard to be effective, it must be onerous. Let me be plain: In the US, we need nationalization for moral hazard because it is what our bankers fear and get really pissed off about. The fact that they're hoarding cash to avoid being nationalized tells me all I need to know about what they really consider onerous
terms. Anything short of that they consider completely acceptable.

As for insurance, let me be plain again: The Bankers and Investors believed that they had it. They paid for it through lobbying. That's cheaper than an actual insurance policy. The actions of investors show that they were investing under the belief that government had implicitly guaranteed to intervene in a financial crisis, both swiftly and effectively. They believed people in the Investor Class, like Hank Paulson, knew this. Unfortunately for everyone on planet Earth, Hank decided to get cute and cut Lehman loose to show that the government can apply free market principles on a whim. Guess who turned out to be nearer to the truth? The Investor Class. Once they panicked and demanded their insurance, the government came to the rescue, armed with some very poor ammo and commanders. Nothing against Paulson, since , for a Bush person, he's a raving genius.

By the way, not only did our Investor Class believe that there was an Implicit Guarantee, but, according to Brad Setser, China did as well. Certainly the foreign investors in Citi believed that they would be bailed out, and, indeed, they were.

Finally, on the Sunday before Lehman's demise, there was an emergency trading session held. I've read reports that, during that session, many investors believed that if Lehman fell, and the government continued to stay out of guaranteeing more businesses, Merrill would go down as well due to counterparty concerns with Lehman. If that's true, then, on that Sunday, many people were aware that a Calling Run ( Debt-Deflation ) was a real possibility. That would explain much of the panic that began on Monday. I'm sure that such an insurance idea is well intended, but the Banking Lobby prefers lobbying.

Thursday, January 29, 2009

This must be acknowledged in advance, and paid for by the insured institutions.

From Free Exchange:

"Blanchard roundtable: An insurer of last resort
Posted by:
Ricardo Caballero l MIT
Categories:
Blanchard roundtable

Ricardo Caballero is the Ford International Professor of Economics at MIT. This discussion can be followed in its entirety here.

ALTHOUGH the title of Olivier Blanchard’s article may be a bit of an exaggeration, the main characterisation of the crisis and the policy prescriptions are right on the mark. Following Lehman’s demise, world financial markets have been ravaged by uncertainty and fear. The prices of all forms of explicit and implicit financial insurance have skyrocketed and hence, by a basic identity, the prices of risky assets have plummeted or the corresponding markets have disappeared. Nowhere is this scenario more problematic than in institutions with strict capital requirements, such as banks, insurance companies, and monolines. For them, fire-sale asset prices quickly wipe out capital and, simultaneously, destroy their option to raise new capital since equity values implode.

The conventional advice is for these institutions to deleverage and to raise capital. While this is sound advice when dealing with a single institution in trouble, I believe this is exactly the opposite of what we need at this juncture, amid a massive systemic crisis. Forcing institutions to raise capital, be it private or public, at panic-driven fire-sale prices threatens enormous dilutions to already shell-shocked shareholders, further exacerbating uncertainty and fueling the downward spiral. This is self-defeating.

Instead, we need to replace the two functions of bank capital—a buffer for negative shocks and an incentive device to reduce risk-shifting—by the provision of a comprehensive public insurance, and by strict (and intrusive) government supervision while this insurance is in place.

This can be done in many ways, and probably more than one approach will have to be employed. A few days ago Britain announced a policy package that almost got it right, by pledging to insure banks’ balance sheets and other private liabilities. Unfortunately, it backfired and caused a worldwide run on financials because it did not dissipate, and even exacerbated, the fear of forced capital raising (or nationalisation).

The events following Lehman’s demise should have taught us that this fear needs to be put to rest until we can return to normality. Financial institutions are too intertwined to predict with any precision the impact of diluting any significant stakeholder, and the markets are too fearful to handle any more uncertainty. Strong guarantees with strict supervision, and the commitment of no further dilutive capital injections (directly or through bonds converted to equity at fire sale prices) should go a long way in building a foundation for a sustained recovery. Removing from financial institutions’ balance sheets the assets ravaged by uncertainty, paying non-Knightian prices for them, is yet another alternative.

Importantly, some of the lessons learned during this crisis also hint at some of the characteristics of an optimally designed financial system for after the crisis. Contrary to what investors thought at the peak of the boom, the (private) financial sector in America is not able to satisfy the global demand for AAA assets when large negative aggregate events take place. However, the American government does have the capacity to fill this gap, especially because it is the recipient of flight-to-quality capital, even when the core of the global financial crisis is located within its borders.

Thus, I believe we can go back to a world not too different from the one we had before the crisis (real estate prices and construction sectors aside), as long as the government becomes the explicit insurer for generalised panic risk. That is, while monolines and other financial institutions can lever their capital for the purpose of insuring microeconomic risk and moderate aggregate shocks, they cannot be the ones absorbing extreme, panic-driven, aggregate shocks. This must be acknowledged in advance, and paid for by the insured institutions. Reasonable concerns about transparency, complexity, and incentives can be built into the insurance premiums. Collective deleveraging, as currently being done, should not constitute the core response; macroeconomic insurance should."

Me:

This sounds like FDIC insurance to avoid Bank Runs, only for Calling Runs. How much and what, then, are you saying that the government will guarantee? Is it going to be insurance or a CDS? Will I be able to write a CDS mirroring this insurance?

China’s leaders believed that China’s investments in the US financial sector would be protected

From Brad Setser:

"Read Dean, Areddy and Ng on the management of China’s reserves during the crisis

Dean, Areddy and Ng key their story off Wen’s criticism of US economic management. But it is really much more about the political fallout inside China from China’s losses on investments that they considered safe.

The story breaks a lot of new ground. It highlights how China’s losses on Reserve Primary, Lehman, Morgan Stanley and WaMu influenced China’s decision-making It also confirms that China was very very nervous about its Agency exposure.

“The alarm for Chinese leaders started ringing loudly in July and August as problems deepened at Fannie and Freddie. Senior Chinese leaders, who hadn’t been apprised in detail of how China’s reserves were being invested, learned for the first time in published reports that the country’s exposure to debt from those two alone totaled nearly $400 billion, say people familiar with the matter. Fearing that the U.S. government might not fully back the companies, China demanded and received regular briefings throughout the peak of the crisis from high-level Treasury Department officials, including Mr. Paulson, on the market for U.S. debt securities — especially those of the mortgage giants.”

It seems like China’s top leaders knew less about China’s portfolio that American reserve watchers; it is not inconceivable (gulp) that I was the source for those published report about China’s Agency holdings. My own work with Arpana Pandey, incidentally, suggests that China’s holdings of Agencies were closer to $600 billion at their peak - though it is possible that China never held more than $400 billion of Fannie and Freddie debt, as there are other kinds of Agency bonds.

The Journal’s story also confirms that there has been a huge swing in the management of China’s reserves. The TIC data, which has shown a huge increase in China’s Treasury holdings, wasn’t off.

It turns out that one of China’s main criticism of US policy is simple: the government didn’t stand by institutions that China expected the US to support. Lehman. Wamu. And the Reserve Primary Fund. Dean, Areddy and Ng:

“Leaders in China, the world’s third-largest economy, have been surprised and upset over how much the problems of the U.S. financial sector have hurt China’s holdings. In response, Beijing is re-examining its U.S. investments, say people familiar with the government’s thinking. …

Chinese leaders have felt burned by a series of bad experiences with U.S. investments they had believed were safe, say people familiar with their thinking, including holdings in Morgan Stanley, the collapsed Reserve Primary Fund and mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.”

….. The Reserve issue “is causing a lot of concern with a lot of financial institutions in China,” said the Chinese official. Some officials expected that the U.S. and its financial institutions would better protect China from loss. “If the U.S. is treating us this way, eventually that will be enough cause for concern in the stability of the [U.S.] system,” the official said

China’s leaders believed that China’s investments in the US financial sector would be protected, perhaps because that is how things are done in China. They weren’t. At least not consistently.

And that clearly has had a big impact on China’s leadership. And if I had to guess, I would guess that the CIC was not the only institutions in China that had a bit of direct exposure to Lehman. SAFE turned conservative at the same time as CIC. Though it may have been stung more by its losses on WaMu (Via a TPG fund).

China didn’t just stop buying Agencies. It also stopped lending out its Treasuries.

The Chinese central bank last year stopped lending its Treasury holdings for fear the borrowers will go bankrupt, according to people familiar with the discussions — a decision that disrupted the functioning of the Treasury market. Beijing rejected pleas by Washington to resume its lending of Treasurys, the people said.

Fair enough. China owns the Treasuries after all, and has no obligation to lend them out. But, well, its actions in both the Treasury and Agency markets weren’t exactly stabilizing.

China’s leaders have a major problem. They have accumulated an enormous quantity of US assets as a result of their efforts to manage China’s exchange rate But they don’t have a mandate to lose money investing the public’s money abroad. China’s losses have generated a public outcry. However, avoiding credit losses means piling into Treasuries and — well — that has risks of its own.

The internal criticism of China’s central bank and the CIC is a bit incoherent. They are getting blamed both for letting the RMB rise and for accumulating US assets.

“Around October, a lengthy Chinese-language essay began circulating on the Internet excoriating Mr. Lou and other top CIC officials, along with Zhou Xiaochuan, China’s central bank governor, for being too close to the U.S. and then Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson. The diatribe quickly gained wide circulation in Chinese financial circles. One passage charged that Mr. Zhou “colluded with Henry Paulson to buy U.S. bonds, forced [Chinese yuan] appreciation, attached China’s economy to the U.S. and broke China’s economic independence.”"

But the reality is that the RMB peg tied China’s economy to the US, and only by letting the RMB rise more than it has can China stop accumulating US assets.

China doesn’t really seem to want more exposure to the US. Understandably so. It already has way more exposure than makes sense. But China also doesn’t want its currency to rise, especially now. And there is no way to square that circle.

The funny thing?

China’s external portfolio actually has performed relatively well during the crisis. It only invested a tiny share of its total portfolio in risky assets. It holds a lot of long-duration bonds whose value rose as interest rates fell. And it is overweight dollars and the dollar rose …

The true risk in China’s portfolio is one that China’s leaders clearly knew they were taking, namely that the dollar will eventually fall against the RMB. China for a long time operated its own version of the TARP. The troubled asset it bought in huge quantities in 2007 and the first part of 2008 was the dollar."

Me again:


  1. “China’s leaders believed that China’s investments in the US financial sector would be protected, perhaps because that is how things are done in China. They weren’t. At least not consistently.”

    Our investors believed the same thing. Investors all over the world were investing on the assumption that our government had made an implicit guarantee to intervene consistently and forcefully in the case of a financial crisis. They were right, up to a point. Not understanding this is a major failing of the last administration.

    By the way, on the Sunday before Lehman fell, investors were already looking at Merrill failing due to counterparty risk. In other words, the Calling Run, Debt-Deflation possibility, was already understood by many investors.

They should have been careful what they wished for: they have now got it. Enjoy!

From the FT:

"
Why dealing with the huge debt overhang is so hard

By Martin Wolf

Published: January 27 2009 19:38 | Last updated: January 27 2009 19:38

Sub

How much debt is too much? Nobody knows. But the governments of highly indebted high-income economies – such as the US and UK – think they know the answer: more than today. They want even more credit to flow to their struggling private sectors. Is that an attainable ambition and, if so, how might it be achieved.

Let us start with some facts. The ratio of US public and private debt to gross domestic product reached 358 per cent in the third quarter of 2008. This was much the highest in US history (see charts). The previous peak of 300 per cent was reached in 1933, during the Great Depression.

Nearly all of this debt is private. That reached an all-time high of 294 per cent of GDP in 2007, a rise of 105 percentage points over the previous decade. The same thing happened to the UK, on a yet more impressive scale. This has been a gigantic debt and credit expansion.

Particularly remarkable is the composition of the increased debt. In the early 1930s, most US private debt was owed by non-financial companies: so balance-sheet deflation occurred in companies, as was also the case in Japan in the 1990s. This time, however, the big increase in debt was in the financial and household sectors.

Over the past three decades the debt of the US financial sector grew six times faster than nominal GDP. The consequent increases in its scale and leverage explain why, at the peak, the financial sector allegedly generated 40 per cent of US corporate profits. Something decidedly unhealthy was going on: instead of being a servant, finance had become the economy’s master. In a superb brief account of today’s calamity, Lord Turner, chairman of the UK’s Financial Services Authority, refers explicitly to “illusory profits”*.

Chart

Moreover, household debt – much of it associated with housing – also rose rapidly: from 66 per cent of US GDP in 1997 to 100 per cent in 2007. A slightly bigger jump in household indebtedness can be seen in the UK.

What do such rises in indebtedness portend? The answer might be: nothing. After all, over the world, debt nets to zero. In principle, the ability to transfer purchasing power from lenders to borrowers is highly desirable: as a British advertising campaign once claimed, credit “takes the waiting out of wanting”. Yet people can also make big mistakes, particularly if they confuse bubbles with permanently high prices. The financial sector is particularly prone to such blunders. As Carmen Reinhart of the University of Maryland and Kenneth Rogoff of Harvard comment: “Systemic banking crises are typically preceded by asset price bubbles, large capital inflows and credit booms, in rich and poor countries alike”**.

Once such asset bubbles burst, it becomes hard to find borrowers and lenders who are either willing or creditworthy. The over-indebted start paying down their debts, instead, as now. Desired savings also soar. Realised savings may not rise, however: incomes may collapse, instead. This is what John Maynard Keynes called “the paradox of thrift”. The result will be a slump caused by balance sheet collapse rather than attempts to control high inflation.

What then might be done?

Some recommend a “liquidation”. A chain of bankruptcy would indeed eliminate a debt overhang, as happened in the 1930s. But, with much of the economy enmeshed in bankruptcy and the financial sector imploding, a depression would result. To choose that option must be insane.

Less unappealing is organised mass bankruptcy. Proposals for an organised debt-for-equity swap in failed or enfeebled financial institutions fall into this category. So, too, does allowing courts to modify mortgage contracts. Executed efficiently and expeditiously, such ideas are attractive. Costs would fall on shareholders and creditors, not taxpayers, and so sustain the principle of private responsibility.

An opposite approach is to sustain existing levels of debt, by slashing its cost to borrowers and trying to grow out of it over many years. This is what current monetary policies seek to achieve. It is a good idea, however unpleasant to creditors. But this would not generate much additional borrowing or fresh spending; it would not stop the indebted from trying to lower their debt; and it would not restore the financial sector to health.

Yet another approach is to replace private debt with public debt. That is what recapitalisation of banks now means. Over time, private-sector debt should fall, while public-sector debt, explicit and implicit, rises. Socialising debt increases the chances of growing out of it. That has happened before, notably in the case of UK public debt over the course of the 19th century.

Finally, there is inflation. If central banks and governments are aggressive enough, they can generate inflation, which will lower the debt burden. But they will imperil – if not terminate – the experiment with unbacked fiat (or man-made) money that started in 1971.

So which is the best approach?

At the overall level, it must largely be to grow out of the debt overhang, with socialisation of a part of it an essential element. Relapse into inflation would be a huge policy failure. A plan is also needed to deal with the plight of many households and with the overextended and undercapitalised financial sector.

The financial sector, as a whole, cannot deleverage by selling assets. It would be helpful if claims of global financial institutions could be netted out, instead, though that would require international co-operation. The Obama administration must also soon launch a recapitalisation of US banking, but not by buying the “toxic assets” at above-market prices. A debt-equity swap would be preferable. If that is politically impossible or too destabilising, publicly financed recapitalisation is inevitable. Just do not dare to call it nationalisation.

Whatever is done, one compelling truth cannot be evaded. It is going to be very hard to generate substantial net borrowing by households and non-financial corporations in the high-income countries with high internal debt. It is unimaginable that they will return to levels of private-sector borrowing, spending and increases in debt that characterised these countries for so long. Countries with large current account surpluses have long demanded an end to the profligate borrowing and spending of the customers upon whom they depended. They should have been careful what they wished for: they have now got it. Enjoy!"

And me, although it won't be posted:

Comments

“Countries with large current account surpluses have long demanded an end to the profligate borrowing and spending of the customers upon whom they depended. They should have been careful what they wished for: they have now got it. Enjoy!”

I’m wondering why more people aren’t concerned that the only way to break up the Saver Country/Spender Country Symbiosis involves severe social dislocation. You’re talking about countries accepting forms of behavior that they do not find pleasant, and might well not find fair. One wonders if the Saver Countries shouldn’t simply forgive some debt, or allow spender countries to use inflation to get out of this mess. What I don’t yet see is a proposal in which both sides of this union win.

Posted by: Don the libertarian Democrat | January 30th, 2009 at 5:49 am | Report this comment Your comment is awaiting moderation.

Finally, which politician would not prefer to be associated with the creation of a good bank rather than with the creation of a bad bank?

Buiter on the FT:

"
The ‘Good Bank’ Solution


January 29, 2009

In its January Global Financial Stability Report Market Update (published January 28, 2009), the IMF has raised their estimate of credit losses from bad assets originated in the US and held by US and European banks to $2.2 trillion (from $1.4 trillion estimated in November). It also estimates the combined need of US and European banks for new capital at $0.5 trillion. Finally, the Fund recommends that the authorities take the distressed assets from the banks’ balance sheets through ‘bad bank’ arrangements.

Note that we are no longer just talking of ‘toxic’ assets, that is, assets whose value cannot be assessed with any degree of certainty because of their complexity. We are now talking about bad or impaired assets that include the toxic stuff but also a large chunk of plain vanilla assets (real estate loans, simple mortgage products, consumer loans, corporate debt) that have become impaired because the borrowers/issuers are at risk of going belly-up the old-fashioned way. With a long and deep recession still ahead of us, the quantity of ‘conventional’ bad assets on the books of the banks will escalate.

There is a problem with creating a government-owned and government-funded bad bank that acquires the bad assets from the existing banks and manages the portfolio of bad assets, unconstrained by liquidity and short-term profitability considerations, either by selling them if and when the markets for these assets recover or by holding them to maturity. The problem is that the bad assets have to be valued. Some bad assets are transparently bad. If there is a liquid market for these assets there is no problem in valuing them. If there is no liquid market and can be valued using reverse auctions or model-based techniques. But much of the toxic stuff is so obscure, so heterogeneous and held by so few parties that they are virtually impossible to value. An auction would become a bilateral negotiation.

The favoured solution of the banks and other institutions holding these toxic assets is that the state pay them over the odds - preferably face value. That would be unfair and costly from a budgetary point of view. It would also represent a massive example of moral hazard by creating incentives for future excessive risk taking in the confident expectation that Mother State will bail you out.

Valuing the most toxic asset is not a problem if the banks that hold the bad assets are all in full public ownership. In that case the price paid for the assets as they are shifted from the books of the state-owned banks to the books of the state-owned bad bank is irrelevant - the payment goes out one pocket of the tax payer and into the other. This provides another powerful argument for temporary nationalisation of all banks with toxic assets and solvency-impairing amounts of other bad assets on their portfolios.

But there are some countries where outright nationalisation of the key banks would be politically difficult. Could the US political system work itself into a state of fear and/or indignation sufficient to take into full public ownership the likes of Citigroup, Bank of America, JPMorgan-Chase etc.? It’s possible, but not yet likely. Were it to happen it would no doubt be called something different: Temporary Public Stewardship, Time-Limited State Trusteeship, Patriotic Conservatorship or some such thing.

The ‘Good Bank Model’

There is an alternative solution to the problem of valuing the toxic assets. It would not involve nationalising the existing banks. Instead the state would create one or more new ’good’ banks - all state-owned and state-funded to begin with. Effectively, some or all of the existing banks would become bad banks. The good banks would acquire the deposits and the good assets of the bad banks or legacy banks. The good assets are, by definition, easy to value. The creation of multiple good banks may be desirable to encourage competition. One could even create a good bank for every existing bank: New Citi, New RBS, New ING etc.

New lending business, indeed all new business activity would be undertaken only by the new good banks. To address the credit crunch, government guarantees or insurance could be provided for new loans and investments made by the good banks. No further guarantees should be extended to existing assets, either in the good banks or in the legacy bad banks. The good banks would receive their capital from the state. Other funding would be provided by the transfer of the deposits from the bad legacy banks, through loans from the state or through the sale of bonds by the new good banks to the state. The state could also guarantee new loans to the new good banks from the private sector or bonds issued by the new good banks and purchased by the private sector.

As regards the the legacy bad banks, the easiest and cleanest way to proceed is to stop them from doing any new business on the asset side of their balance sheets: no new lending and no new investment. They would also not be permitted to take new deposits. A simple way to ensure this is to take away their banking licenses. They would exist only to manage and ultimately to run down the portfolio of bad and toxic assets they hold on their balance sheets. Maturing liabilities could be refinanced if that made more sense than accelerating the sale of the assets.

Taking away the banking licenses of most of the existing large universal banks in Europe and the USA would be appropriate because recent developments have demonstrated that the existing institutions, managements and boards are not fit for purpose. They have failed as banks, even if they have not (yet) failed in the technical, legal sense of becoming insolvent. For most of them the past, present and anticipated future financial support of the state is the only thing that stands between them and bankruptcy.

The bad banks (i.e. the existing banks minus their deposits and good assets (and including the compensation for the difference between these two) could retain their existing ownership structure. They would not receive any further financial support from the state, whether through capital injections or through guarantees of their assets or liabilities. They would be left to swim or sink on their own, without any further financial support from the state. If they were to become insolvent, they would go into the normal insolvency procedures for non-bank financial institutions. The existing unsecured creditors could, in reverse order of seniority, be converted into shareholders of the insolvent company, thus ensuring that the incentives for prudent lending to banks will be stronger in the future than they have obviously been in the past.

The new good banks would initially be wholly state-owned and either state-funded or privately funded but with a sovereign guarantee to begin with. They should, however, be managed commercially - at least at the micro level, that is, at the level of the selection of individual investments and the making of individual loans. I think it is unavoidable and even necessary in the current credit crunch, that the new good banks be set aggregate targets for lending, but only at the most aggregative level, e.g. so much to the non-financial enterprise sector, so much to the household sector and no more than so much to the financial sector. Falling short of the quota or exceeding it would result in the forfeit of the shortfall/excess. If the performance criteria for executive remuneration were structured properly, the individual project and loan selection could still be long-term profit maximising (or loss minimizing) but subject to an aggregate lending constraint.

The aggregate lending target would be dropped as soon as credit markets normalised.

To minimise the risk of political micro-management of lending and investment decisions, management should be incentivised to act commercially by having in their remuneration package a large bonus component (!) that depends on long-term profitability. A fiercely independent and qualified board would have to be appointed, instead of the old duffers and cronies that make up most bank boards today. The CEO could not be a member of the board, let alone its chair.

In my proposal, the existing banks would become the bad banks and retain their existing ownership structure. No government resources would be wasted propping up the valuations of existing assets. All government financial support would go to the new state-owned good bank. Even there, government guarantees would only be provided for new bank borrowing (if this is from the private sector) and for new bank lending and investment. There is no point here either in propping up the valuation of existing assets.

It is possible that the legacy bad banks would initially have balance sheets that are much larger than the balance sheets of the new good banks, which would contain only the good assets bought from the legacy bad banks and any new assets built up since the new good banks were created. The combined balance sheet of the legacy bad banks in the USA could easily run into multiple trillions of US dollars (probably somewhere between $3 trillion and $5 trillion, depending on how strictly you apply the criterion that the good banks only purchase easy-to-value assets). But with all new lending and investment performed by the new good banks and with the balance sheets of the legacy bad banks shrinking by construction, the new good banks would be growing relative to the legacy bad banks. With a bit of luck, they could grow into bad banks again!

As credit markets normalise and the economy recovers, the aggregate lending targets and the government guarantees for new lending and for borrowing from the private sector would be eliminated. In due course, but probably not before the third year of their existence, the privatisation of the new good banks could be contemplated.

Conclusion

The ‘good bank’ model with its state-owned and funded good bank(s) and its legacy bad banks that retain their current ownership structure is superior to the ‘bad bank’ model in which the state owns the new bad bank(s) and the legacy banks (now good banks since the removal from their balance sheets of the toxic assets) retain their current ownership structure. First, the good bank model only requires the good assets to be valued, which is a lot easier than the bad bank model. Second, the good bank model concentrates government financial support on new lending and investment flows and on new bank borrowing, and does so through an institution owned by the tax payers and where the tax payers have a chance of some upside when the banks are privatised in due course.

Finally, which politician would not prefer to be associated with the creation of a good bank rather than with the creation of a bad bank?"

Not Buiter:

My main problems, other than favoring nationalizing the banks, are:
1) We’ve already given them a lot of money. I don’t feel good simply leaving it with them.
2) Nationalizing seems a better precedent, since we’re going to have to have a rule going forward for a bailout. Namely, we take over.
3) I don’t like leaving members of the banking lobby out there like wounded bears. I feel that they’ll manage to get some government treatment somehow or claw us from behind.
4) This is going to be portrayed as a government beast anyway you name it.
5) I’ve been arguing for nationalization since September. Having come this far, I’ll be damned if I give up just yet.
Still, it’s damned clever. Good work.

Posted by: Don the libertarian Democrat | January 30th, 2009 at 4:26 am | Report this comment