Showing posts with label Child Soldiers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Child Soldiers. Show all posts

Sunday, April 19, 2009

On paper rebels and the military in Chad are in agreement: a child should not be part of any armed forces

TO BE NOTED: From IRIN:

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CHAD: Instability threatens demobilisation of child soldiers


Photo: Anne Isabelle Leclercq/IRIN
Young men removed from armed forces and rebel groups take literacy courses at a transition centre in the Chad capital N'djamena
N'DJAMENA, 16 April 2009 (IRIN) - On paper rebels and the military in Chad are in agreement: a child should not be part of any armed forces. But renewed insecurity over the last few months has triggered an increase in child recruitment, humanitarian workers say.

In May 2007, during a return to calm following a peace accord between the government of Chad and various rebel groups, the government signed an agreement with the UN Children’s Fund (UNICEF) to end the use of children in armed forces or groups.

UNICEF says in 2007 the programme, supported by UNICEF and Spanish and Japanese aid organisations, enabled 496 children to leave the armed forces and armed groups.

But since the end of 2007, with renewed attacks on President Idriss Déby’s regime the demobilisation movement has come to a halt. "Suddenly there was a feeling of war and preparation for war, and collaborative efforts [with the forces and armed groups] turned sour,” one aid worker told IRIN.

In 2008 just 59 children were freed from the armed forces and rebel groups and none so far in 2009, according to UNICEF.

Many aid workers in Chad told IRIN the recruitment of children has increased in recent months. "Armed groups continue to recruit child soldiers freely”, the international organisation Oxfam said in a recent statement.

Recruitment campaigns, carried out by "unidentified" entities, often target refugee camps in eastern Chad, where more than 250,000 people who have fled Darfur are living.

Hidden recruitment

Despite widespread accounts of child recruitment and the presence of children in armed groups, the subject remains taboo within rebel groups and the national army in Chad (ANT).

Gen Béchir Ali Haggar, commander of the inter-army military schools group and representative of the Ministry of Defence working with humanitarian actors, told IRIN “officially” there are no longer children in the army. "When [rebel groups] integrated into the army [in 2007] they took many children and some [military] leaders tried to keep them. But the children were not paid by the army.”

Children eager to reintegrate

Efforts to remove Chadian children from the army and rebel groups have been effective, which makes it all the more regrettable that progress has halted, Désiré Mohindo from UNICEF said.

Older children received professional training. Some were eventually hired on and now work as tailors, chefs, mechanics or carpenters. Others received support to set up income-generating activities such as farming or small-scale business. They all had the opportunity to take literacy classes, which were carried out at ‘transition and orientation centres’ (CTO).

The younger children were integrated into schools, with particularly encouraging results, said Mahamat Ali Zenal Abidine, director of the CTO in the capital N’djamena, which is managed by the organisation CARE and houses 38 children. "Nearly all of them are among the best students in the class. Some of them are even top of the class.”

The children also receive psychological care. "Some of them were involved in ‘tribal’ wars, and they grew up surrounded by hatred for other people,” explained Abidine.

This is the case for Yaya (not his real name), who arrived at the centre in 2007. He recognised that while he wanted to make a fresh start and become a driver/mechanic, he did not want to return to his region in Dar Tama. "I am sure if I go, I will see the injustices, which will push me back into the rebellion.”

The staff training the children are seeing progress, particularly in the drawings that cover the walls of the centre in N’djamena. "When they arrive here the children often have violent reactions and they draw scenes of
war. Then they [calm down] and start to draw the school benches,” Abidine said.

The centre continues to monitor the children once they have left to "stop them from slipping into delinquent ways, drugs or alcohol, because they are still very young,” he said.

Reintegrating children who have been removed from armed groups is a long process, but it deserves to be supported, said Jean-François Basse, chief of the child protection section of UNICEF in Chad. "If donor countries had not invested in [
the programme to remove and reintegrate these children], the community would have lost 555 children.”


But a senior army officer recognised that there "could be some children". And a soldier who recently worked in the east of the country told IRIN: "There are children, but not just in the army, the rebels have them [too]. This is a war, we need everyone."

Makaila Nguebla, a member of the armed opposition and former Africa coordinator for the national alliance of armed groups in Chad, rejected the idea that rebellion would lead to further child recruits. "We are very careful with that. We cannot allow ourselves [to use children] as we are looking for international credibility,” he told IRIN.

Of the 555 children removed from armed groups since 2007, 87 percent came from rebel groups who had signed a peace agreement with the government and the rest were from the national army.

Recruitment of children is often a problem of ignorance, Désiré Mohindo, child protection specialist at UNICEF, told IRIN. "Some leaders are not well educated. When you say ‘child’ they think of children of seven or eight and they think that at 14 one is no longer a child.”

UNICEF estimates that today there are around 10,000 children under age 18 who work for the armed forces or rebel groups in the country. Child recruitment, which previously happened mainly in the east of the country, is starting to spread to other regions such as the south, aid workers say.

Three of the five transition and orientation centres set up in 2007 to house the demobilised children have closed. The two remaining centres – one in the main eastern town of Abéché and one in the capital N’Djamena – house 80 children. It has not yet been possible to reunite these children with their families; most are from eastern Chad, where insecurity is still a major concern, so returning would mean risking recruitment again.

UNICEF started training officers and soldiers in the army in 2008 about the need to keep children out of the army. There are currently 20 trained peer educators and UNICEF intends to increase efforts in 2009 in collaboration with the UN mission in the Central African Republic and Chad, MINURCAT.

But funding is a challenge. Currently 35 percent of the 2009 requirements, estimated at US$900,000, are covered by UNICEF, and a contribution from the US government is expected in the next few days, said Jean-François Basse, chief of the child protection section of UNICEF in Chad.

"There is still interest from donors,” Basse told IRIN. But he said the continued presence of children in armed groups could put donors off. "The fact that minors can still be seen in the armed forces or groups could be seen as lack of political will to release children.”

ail/ci/lc/np


Theme(s): (IRIN) Children, (IRIN) Conflict, (IRIN) Governance, (IRIN) Human Rights"

Friday, February 13, 2009

"and it is a crime to recruit children for the purpose of war - and it is just unacceptable."

TO BE NOTED:

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Hub Exclusive: Ban-Ki Moon calls for action to "stamp out" recruitment of child soldiers

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Ban-Ki_Moon_FLVforHub.flv (7.2mb)


Attribution 3.0 Unported

UN Secretary-General Ban-Ki Moon speaks exclusively to WITNESS' Priscila Neri on the occasion of Red Hand Day - the international day calling for action to end the recruitment and use of child soldiers.
"As the Secretary-General of the United Nations I have seen many human rights abuses - very appalling... And this issue of child soldiers is certainly one of the most serious human rights violations - and it is a crime to recruit children for the purpose of war - and it is just unacceptable."
Priscila interviewed Secretary-General Moon at an event at Unicef in New York City to commemorate Red Hand Day, 12th February 2009.

Saturday, December 20, 2008

“Democracy is not elections. Democracy is legitimacy. And legitimacy comes from what you are doing to your people.”

Here's a portrait of a War Criminal:

"BUNAGANA, Congo — At the entrance to this bustling border town is a most unusual sight: a speed limit sign. In fresh red, white and blue paint, it is a rare manifestation of order in a nation better known for chaos.
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Benedicte Kurzen/VII Mentor

Mr. Nkunda at a training camp in North Kivu Province for the group of rebels that he leads.

Multimedia

Lydia Polgreen on Congolese rebel leader Laurent Nkunda

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Times Topics: Laurent Nkunda | Congo

Benedicte Kurzen/VII Mentor

Gen. Laurent Nkunda, the leader of a group of rebels, with his pet goat Betty in the mountains of Congo. His aims include the removal of President Joseph Kabila, whose power has been waning.

Benedicte Kurzen/VII Mentor

Gen. Laurent Nkunda after a meeting with the news media in November in the town of Kichanga in Congo.

The seemingly innocuous signpost is emblematic of the growing might and wider ambitions of Laurent Nkunda, the renegade Congolese general and warlord who now holds part of Congo’s future in his grip.

“I am fighting for the destiny of this country,” said Mr. Nkunda, offering up the orderly streets and neatly terraced farms of the surrounding countryside as evidence of what Congo might be like if he ran things. “What we want is to restore the dignity of this country and these people.”

But beneath the veneer lies a ruthlessness of a piece with Congo’s unbroken history of brutality. With a military campaign in October and November that was met with a feeble response( THIS IS A DISGRACE ) from both the Congolese government and United Nations peacekeeping forces here in eastern Congo, General Nkunda has pushed the nation to its most dangerous precipice in years.

Many here fear a new regional war or that an alliance of convenience between General Nkunda and other enemies of the president could lead to the ouster of Congo’s first democratically elected government in four decades.

That General Nkunda, who is suspected of committing a litany human rights violations, could be a leading figure in such a move is a chilling thought for many Congolese. A recent journey through territory he controls revealed a host of contradictions between the image he puts forward and reality, including evidence of mass killings, the extraction of onerous payments from residents, illegal profiteering from the mineral trade and the conscription of child soldiers.

General Nkunda’s campaign began as a local insurgency aimed at redressing the grievances of a Tutsi minority that felt threatened by the aftershocks of the Rwandan genocide. But it has grown into a rebellion with a broad set of aims that include the removal of President Joseph Kabila, who was elected in 2006 after more than 40 years( 40 YEARS ) of tyranny and war in this country. “We have national ambitions,” General Nkunda declared, a hint of triumph in his voice. “We are talking about Congo.”

Some of this talk may be grandiose bluster from a man fond of referring to himself in the third person( WHO'D WANT TO BE HIM ) and who prefers to be photographed holding a scepter capped by a silver-plated eagle’s head. General Nkunda is despised by many in eastern Congo for his brutal tactics. He is also widely perceived as a proxy for Rwanda, a country whose meddling is largely detested by Congolese citizens. The general claims that he does not want to replace Mr. Kabila, merely to sit down and have direct talks.

But his forceful new challenge poses grave risks for Mr. Kabila, who is weaker than ever. The national army was routed on the battlefield, retreating virtually without a fight, pillaging and raping as it went.

The country’s economy, once fast-growing, is in shambles as the prices of minerals have plummeted in the global recession, and Mr. Kabila is increasingly unpopular. In eastern Congo, many people are unhappy at his failure to halt General Nkunda’s relentless military advance. In the west, where he has never been popular, he is under threat from political opponents who see his government as intolerant of dissent.

One by one, those who oppose him have felt the violent wrath of his security forces, according to human rights investigators and political analysts. A Human Rights Watch investigation found that 500 people had died and 1,000 had been detained in these crackdowns.

In the face of Mr. Kabila’s plummeting stature, General Nkunda has cultivated an image as a disciplined crusader bent on bringing order to the country. He dresses in sharp uniforms or flowing, immaculate white robes. He has claimed to be an evangelical minister and at times wears a pin that reads, “Rebels for Christ.” General Nkunda and his top commanders say their fighters have a commitment to discipline as well: drunkenness, looting and rape are offenses punishable by imprisonment and possibly death, according to senior rebel officers.

But in 2002, when General Nkunda was a commander in a different rebel group, he participated in the mass killing of 160 mutineers in the city of Kisangani, human rights groups say. According to Human Rights Watch, “Forces under Nkunda’s command bound, gagged, and executed twenty-eight persons and then put their bodies in bags weighted with stones and threw them off a Kisangani bridge.”

Two years later, his men took the city of Bukavu, and days of killing and rape followed, investigators say. Since 2005, when he formed his own rebel group, known as the National Congress for the Defense of the People, or C.N.D.P., his forces have carried out a number of massacres, according to human rights investigators, most recently at Kiwanja, in early November, where 150 people were executed.

In Nkunda territory, the general says, civilians are never harmed and live without fear of violence or looting. His men offer up the endless, Eden-like valleys around this town as proof. Terraced into rows as tidy as seats in an amphitheater, the land bespeaks a kind of ordered plenty.

But farmers here say they are forced to hand over a precious portion of their harvest to feed the fighters: 45 pounds of beans or grain, and as much as $20 a season in taxes, an enormous sum in a place where most people live on far less than a dollar a day.

General Nkunda said his rebellion was not motivated, like so many others fighting here, by plunder of Congo’s natural resources.

“I am not here for minerals,” he said. Indeed, there are almost no mines in the areas under his control, and General Nkunda has avoided getting directly involved in mining, fearing the taint of blood minerals that has stained virtually every group fighting here, including Congo’s own army.

But his fighters collect taxes on virtually every commercial vehicle and bushel of crops that come out of territory they control, according to residents and a United Nations report released last week. They even take a cut of the $300 permits sold to tourists wishing to see Congo’s rare mountain gorillas.

“The money goes to the rebels,” said one of the park rangers who monitors the animals. “None of it comes to us( UNREAL ).”

General Nkunda’s men also profit from Congo’s minerals. Thousands of tons of tin ore, coltan and other minerals pass through the border crossing here to Uganda, headed to Kenya’s Indian Ocean port, and the rebels take a slice of the duties and taxes collected here, United Nations officials say. General Nkunda denied this, saying his men sent all taxes to the government.

According to rebel officials, in Nkunda territory children are never made to wield Kalashnikov rifles and kill. But boys like Eric, who is now 16 but says he has been fighting with armed groups since he was kidnapped by Hutu militiamen at the age of 9, say General Nkunda’s rebellion forces hundreds of children to fight.

“The strategy they use is this,” he explained. “When they met children on the road, they ask them to help them carry their goods.”

The boys are then taken to training camps, given guns and taught to fight, Eric said. His eyes are wide in permanent surprise, and he said he had headaches that did not respond to medicine. Loud noises terrify him.

“Too many bombs,” he explained in a soft voice.

For two years, from 13 to 15, he said he fought with General Nkunda’s troops.

“Many of us were boys,” he said. “They would send us out first, then the men.”

He lives in a shelter for boys separated from their parents by the war. In the next bunk is his friend Fabrice, a 14-year-old former Mai Mai fighter who used to do battle with General Nkunda’s forces.

“I always felt bad to kill other children, because I knew they had been forced to fight just like me,” he said.

General Nkunda seems to have little trouble drawing new recruits, because each man is issued a uniform, a gun and training, unlike Congolese soldiers, who can go months without salaries. Some fighters are drawn to the rebels for ethnic reasons, but many others simply want to fight on the side that wins. His force is more disciplined, General Nkunda says, because they are fighting for a cause they believe in.

General Nkunda seems determined to play the role of statesman in waiting, receiving visiting diplomats and emissaries like a chief of state. He rejects the legitimacy of the Kabila government, so the United Nations appointed the former president of Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo, to cajole General Nkunda back to the negotiating table.

“What is democracy?” he mused, worrying his scepter, which has grown brassy over the years as his rebellion has flourished. “Democracy is not elections ( HERE WE GO ). Democracy is legitimacy. And legitimacy comes from what you are doing to your people( TERRORIZING THEM ).”

General Nkunda is all but certain to face an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court for atrocities committed during his years fighting here, human rights investigators say, most recently in Kiwanja, where his men executed civilians and torched camps that housed 30,000 displaced people.

“Nkunda destroyed my life,” said Anorite Zawadi, 27, whose 8-year-old daughter disappeared when General Nkunda’s troops razed the camp in which her family lived. The girl has not been seen since.

“He has no mercy on us,” she continued. “He brings only death and sorrow.”