Showing posts with label Scheiber. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Scheiber. Show all posts

Tuesday, May 19, 2009

Instead of having one buyer, they would have many buyers from all over the world trying to decide what the proper price should be

TO BE NOTED: From the NY Times:

The Potential UpsideGraphic

The Potential Upside


"Efforts to Repay Bailouts May Undercut Benefit for Taxpayers

Americans were promised a reward for rescuing the nation’s banks. In return for all those bailouts, the banks essentially granted stock options to the government — a potential jackpot for taxpayers once the crisis blew over.

But now banks, eager to get Washington out of their hair, are pushing to undo those investments as quickly — and cheaply — as possible. If the Obama administration acquiesces, billions of taxpayer dollars could be left on the table.

At issue are so-called warrants that the government received from the banks last autumn, when the financial world was teetering. Like options, warrants give their owners the right to buy stock at a set price over a certain period of time, in this case, 10 years.

Now, with many banks itching to return their bailout money, the warrants are raising some thorny questions. What are these investments worth? Should the government drive a hard bargain, or let the banks off easy? Should it maximize profit for taxpayers, or minimize pain for banks?

Many banks want to buy back the warrants and wriggle free of the government. Big banks like JPMorgan Chase, Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley have formally notified regulators that they want to return their bailout money, according to people briefed on the situation. But as long as the government holds the warrants, it still has some leverage over the industry.

For taxpayers, a lot of money is at stake. The government has an option to buy stock in 579 banks. By some estimates, the warrants on JPMorgan alone are currently worth more than $1.1 billion. They could be worth much more if JPMorgan’s share price rose.

So far, one publicly traded bank, Old National Bancorp in Indiana, has repaid the government in full by returning its bailout money and repurchasing its warrants. (Two small privately held banks have done the same.)

How Old National pulled this off, and the seemingly favorable terms it secured, shows how aggressively banks big and small are pushing, even after they repay money from the Troubled Asset Relief Program, or TARP. Old National paid $1.2 million for its warrants. Analysts estimate the investments might have been worth as much as $6.9 million.

“It’s a great deal for Old National,” said Linus Wilson, a finance professor at the University of Louisiana, Lafayette. “Treasury accepted a lowball offer.”

Andrew Williams, a Treasury spokesman, declined to comment about the negotiations, but said the government “has a robust process in place for valuing warrants.” He added that the Treasury was required by law to sell the warrants once a bank repaid its bailout money.

Analysts say that has made it difficult for the government to pursue a goal of maximizing profits for taxpayers, though a recent change to the law might give the Treasury more flexibility. Even if it had the option, it is unclear how successful the government would be at actively managing such a complicated investment portfolio.

Mr. Williams said the Treasury’s total warrant holdings were worth more than $5 billion, but the value changes along with the underlying stock prices and other factors.

But Prof. Wilson estimated that the warrants on nearly 300 publicly traded banks, which account for more than 95 percent of the government’s investments, were conservatively worth $2.4 billion to $10.9 billion. Some lawmakers worry that taxpayers will lose out. “Taxpayers were there at a critical moment,” said Senator Jack Reed, Democrat of Rhode Island and a member of the banking committee. “They should enjoy the upside when these institutions recover.”

To extinguish the warrants, the banks can let the Treasury auction them off to private investors or can choose to buy them back themselves. As with other bank rescue efforts, like moves to buy banks’ problem assets, the central issue with the repurchases is determining a fair price.

“That is the problem in TARP asset purchases, and it is the problem here,” said Vincent R. Reinhart, a former Federal Reserve official who is now a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. “Do you value it at roughly comparable asset prices or do you acknowledge that the current market prices reflect an unusual uncertainty in markets and aversion to risk?”

For the government, the decision is about more than dollars and cents. It may be willing to sell the warrants simply to send a positive message about the stability of the banks.

“The U.S. Treasury would be better off rejecting a lot of these bids and selling these warrants to third-party investors,” Prof. Wilson, at the University of Louisiana, said. “Instead of having one buyer, they would have many buyers from all over the world trying to decide what the proper price should be.”

Old National’s move to buy back its warrants illustrates how tricky it is to strike the right balance. Executives at the bank, based in Evansville, Ind., and a large community lender with 100 branches and $8 billion in assets, began seeking to exit TARP almost as soon as the Treasury wired it the money in December.

By the end of March, Old National had won approval from its regulators to repay its $100 million of bailout funds. But the bank also wanted to repurchase its warrants, fearing it could remain subject to pressure from the government or another outside investor.

“We felt more comfortable that we controlled our own destiny rather than have the hands of the Treasury or a third party,” Bob Jones, Old National’s chief executive, said. “We think our stock has plenty of upside and would rather have that in our hands.” On April 20, Old National submitted an initial offer of around $600,000. Ten days later, Treasury officials, after gathering their own estimates from two asset managers and two market participants, rejected the bid as too low. Over the next week, both sides haggled over the price.

“We both walked through where we were,” Mr. Jones said. “They held their ground on a number of cases, and clearly we had to compromise.” On May 7, Old National was given approval to buy back its warrants for $1.2 million. The bank wired the money four days later.

At Old National’s annual meeting, shareholders were elated by the news. “It was the only applause I drew the whole meeting,” Mr. Jones said."

And from The Stash:

"Should Treasury Extract Every Last Cent From Banks?

The Times has an interesting story about what Treasury should do with the warrants it has on all the banks that accepted bailout money (warrants are basically an option to buy stock at a certain fixed price). The choices are either sell the warrants back to the banks or auction them off to a third party. (According to a Treasury spokesman, the government is required to sell the warrants once a bank pays it back, though there may be some wiggle room there.) The third-party auction would seem to be the fair solution--netting the government something close to a market price for its warrants rather than settling up with the banks for a steep discount, as has already happened in one case--and the story kind of intimates that that's the right approach. But I'm not entirely convinced.

The assumption in the story seems to be that "a goal of maximizing profits for taxpayers" is probably a good thing. But is that really true? Obviously the government doesn't want to get rooked in its dealing with banks. On the other hand, a lot of banks accepted bailout money and granted the government warrants last fall under less than voluntary circumstances. And the government urged it on them not because it was looking to make a killing, but because it wanted to stabilize the financial system. If it now believes the threat that made the bailout money necessary for many of these banks has passed, I don't see why it should insist on wringing every last penny out of them.

Don't get me wrong--if we're dealing with a Citigroup-type situation, in which we're pouring tens of billions of dollars into an institution that may have real problems paying it back (at least any time soon), I think taxpayers should get a share of the upside by way of an equity stake. That's just reasonable compensation for the risk we're taking. But for an institution that was reasonably healthy and pretty much always likely to pay the money back, and which took the bailout money not so much because it needed it but because the government thought it would help restore confidence in the entire system, I'm not sure profit-maximization should be our default stance.

--Noam Scheiber"

Friday, May 1, 2009

safe harbor gives the servicers (a.k.a. the banks) freedom to make changes without fear of getting sued

From:

The Curious Capitalist - TIME.com

The Senate cramdown of mortgage cramdowns

Noam Scheiber has a nice explanation of why mortgage cramdowns lost out in the Senate Thursday but safe harbor for mortgage servicers will probably make it into law.

Both provisions are about making it easier to change the terms of troubled mortgages—in particular by reducing the amount owed to reflect the collapse in home values over the past couple of years. In both cases, opponents objected that the changes mess with the sanctity of contracts and will discourage investors from buying mortgages, thus pushing rates higher than they would otherwise be. In fact, it's far from certain that mortgage rates would rise as a result of either change. But no matter. Scheiber's story is about the politics, not the merits:

With cramdowns, both the banks and investors (hedge funds et. al.) were united against giving bankruptcy judges the power to change mortgage terms, while safe harbor gives the servicers (a.k.a. the banks) freedom to make changes without fear of getting sued, so they're all for it even though the investors hate it. And in Washington, divide and conquer remains perhaps the most important rule of political success. Safe harbor it is, then."

Me:

  1. donthelibertariandemocrat Says:

    There seems something odd about asking banks to make money, and then asking them to take losses on bonds and mortgages. On the other hand, we're in a tangled web of government actions that Raymond Smullyan couldn't explain.

    My view is that, since AIG, unless somebody gets a bailout or subsidy, they become very principled and hard to negotiate with. There's a kind of implicit greasing that's expected for compromise. The government's answer is to try and turn these holdouts into Uriah Heep, which, in some cases, isn't a bad characterization.

    I like the idea of cramdowns, but for the fact that, in a downward move like the one we're experiencing in home prices, I don't trust anyone to know how to fairly set the price or terms of a house. In other words, it might simply delay foreclosure, and not stop it.

Sunday, April 26, 2009

That’s a reductio ad absurdiam too far. WTF does he mean “establish causality”? This is the nexus between politics and money

TO BE NOTED: From Ultimi Barbarorum :


"
Pattern recognition

April 24, 2009 · 6 Comments

Noam Scheiber has a problem with Simon Johnson’s excellent Atlantic article comparing the current US economic crisis with the stuff he came up against in emerging markets while at the IMF (Baruch would have linked to it when he read it but everyone else had done so already). Johnson’s point is that the US agencies setting economic and fiscal policy and “Wall Street”, the US financial elites, are at least intertwined, if not one and the same. Sustainable recovery and prosperity can only come with a fully functioning banking system, but neither the banks nor the government are willing to take the radical steps necessary to get there, involving as it will the end of the cosy cohabitation. It follows that a very good way of avoiding Japan-like stagnation would be a more forcible separation. Here Noam sees “leaps”. He writes

The logical chain is typically something like: 1.) I’ve seen corrupt elites prevent governments from resolving financial crises in emerging markets. 2.) The finanical crisis dogging the United States shares some features with emerging-market crises–for example, overleveraged institutions enjoyed an outsize share of corporate profits prior to imploding. 3.) Ergo, it must be the case that corrupt elites are preventing the U.S. government from resolving the crisis

This line of argument is specious, says Noam, because

Logically, it’s like saying: 1.) Cancer patients don’t get well when they’re treated by witch doctors. 2.) The top oncologist at Mass General has lost a few patients lately–some of them inexplicably, under mysterious circumstances. 3.) Ergo, the top oncologist at Mass General was practicing witchcraft. Maybe, but it would be much more persuasive if you could establish causality.

That’s a reductio ad absurdiam too far. WTF does he mean “establish causality”? This is the nexus between politics and money: shady backroom deals, campaign contributions in brown envelopes, veiled ultimata, unspoken shared tenets between colleagues. Every party to every transaction in this nexus has gone out of their way to make it as impossible as er, possible to “establish causality”. It’s simply how these things are done, and I would say holds true in every country. Noam is asking for an impossible standard of proof, a level of immaculateness we don’t need to attain in order to responsibly act either in investing, economics and politics.

Look, there’s such a thing as pattern recognition. My boss can do it: he’s been analysing stocks for years, and when he picks one, he always comes up with these totally bogus reasons for buying it. Yet his picks tend to work, and mostly not for the reasons he said they would. He doesn’t always know why he likes these companies, here and now, but something in his lizard brain, trained over years in associating I don’t know what, charts and fundamentals or something, and subsequent outcomes, sees the setup and tells him it’s going up. Steven Colbert is right, up to a point: it’s the gut. My colleague’s only problem is he thinks too much, but that’s an aside which has nothing to do with the issue at hand.

We have more than enough examples of economic crisis in recent history to have an adequate “pattern database” for associating certain setups and outcomes. In agency theory, we have a conceptual underpinning of how organisational groups or elites can influence economic outcomes. And people at the IMF like Simon Johnson have a practical understanding and experience of dealing with these issues at a nuts and bolts level. Noam Scheiber’s objections here seem based less on objective scepticism, more on hope and this terrible, deadly sense of hubris and exceptionalism that has proven America’s fatal flaw time and again this decade.

Categories: Fellow Collegiant · Stupid Cartesians"

Tuesday, April 21, 2009

paying a 5 percent annual interest rate (via the preferred) in exchange for giving the government an explicit ownership stake (via the common)

TO BE NOTED: From TNR:

"Backdoor Nationalization? Maybe. But What's the Alternative?

I got into this a bit on CNBC last night (see below), but I figured I'd continue the debate off-camera, where I could have the final word.

The discussion centered around yesterday's New York Times piece reporting that Treasury may convert its stake in some of the major banks from preferred shares into common stock, which would basically free the banks from paying a 5 percent annual interest rate (via the preferred) in exchange for giving the government an explicit ownership stake (via the common).

Larry Kudlow and my two fellow guests argued that this was the culmination of Treasury's longstanding desire to nationalize the banks. The only real debate among them was whether Treasury was nationalizing through the back door or the front door.

My response was twofold. First, whatever you think about Geithner, it's safe to say his impulse is to avoid nationalization if possible. As I reported earlier this year:

Geithner and his colleagues are said to be deeply uncomfortable with the idea in principle. "Most people who run businesses in this area ... would look to nationalization as a last step--if it was the only thing standing between us and the abyss," says Michael Granoff, a private-equity fund manager who is friendly with several senior administration officials. "The people in charge of the economic policy side of things have pretty good communication with the people ... who sit where I sit," he says. "There is a shared understanding in these conversations."

This quote is hardly an outlier--I've had a number of well-positioned people tell me similar things.

Second, the relevant question isn't whether converting the preferred shares into common stock moves us closer to nationalization. It clearly does, if only very literally--in the sense that the government is gaining a more explicit ownership claim in the process. The question is closer relative to what. My sense is that Treasury is considering this step only in the case of banks that do poorly on the stress tests. Now, for such a bank, I can imagine three options other than the conversion that's on the table: One is to urge it to raise money from private investors, which seems extremely unlikely to happen. How attractive is a bank going to be when Treasury has effectively proclaimed it a stress-test flunkie (even if it doesn't quite put it that way). Option two is to inject more TARP money, which would presumably be in the form of equity, since Treasury apparently considers preferred shares to be debt and wouldn't want to increase the bank's debt burden. (And because additional injections of capital without giving taxpayers a share of the upside is probably tougher to justify politically these days.) Option three would be to seize the bank outright, FDIC-style.

So, of the three options other than conversion, the first is a non-starter and the second and third would mean an even bigger role for the government than conversion. If those are the relevant choices, it seems hard to interpret the conversion idea as a sign Treasury is bent on nationalization.

Having said all that, I admit there's something refreshing about debating Larry Kudlow on this stuff. He and I couldn't disagree more. But he's so upfront about his position--none of this mealy-mouthed hedging--that going at it with him turns out to be satisfying in a way it rarely is with people closer to me ideologically.

--Noam Scheiber"

Saturday, April 4, 2009

Typically, these criticisms focus on “binary” scenarios: either the loans are worth a lot or they are worth zero

TO BE NOTED: From The Stash:

"Why the Geithner Plan Isn't *That* Bad a Deal for Taxpayers

The economists at Goldman Sachs modeled how the Geithner plan would work for the banks' subprime loans and came up with some useful conclusions (not online, alas). The first is that government financing could increase the price investors are willing to pay for the "toxic" loans by as much as 50 percent, if not more. Second, because the banks still value these loans at 91 cents on the dollar (on average), even a 50-percent increase in willingness to pay won't result in a sale in many cases. Third, if the banks do end up selling, it will have to be at well-below 91 cents on the dollar, which will create huge losses and require the banks to seek a lot more capital, probably from the government.* (As I've suggested before, this could be precisely what Treasury wants--it'll quantify the size of the hole and make it easier to make the case to Congress.)

Then there's this point, which is very important. In a nutshell, Goldman shows why the Geithner plan won't be as bad a deal for taxpayers as all the teeth-gnashing suggests:

We have read numerous op-eds decrying the PPIP [this portion of the Geithner plan] on the grounds that the government is taking on enormous risk. Typically, these criticisms focus on “binary” scenarios: either the loans are worth a lot or they are worth zero, and in the latter case the government loses a fortune( NB DON ). [See here, for example.] While these types of examples are generally good for building intuition, they exaggerate the potential cost to the government. For first-lien residential mortgages, which represent a good chunk of the PPIP-eligible assets, there is almost no probability that the value will be near zero...

For example, suppose an investor pays 70 cents on the dollar for a book of subprime mortgage loans. With 6 to 1 leverage ... [the government would be on the hook for a loan of about 60 cents]. Even if all the mortgages default, the investor will probably receive 10-15 cents of cash flow from borrowers before they stop payment, and should get 25-35 cents from the value of the foreclosed properties. So, leaving aside issues of discounting cash flows, even if the investor overpays vis-à-vis the expected value and ends up in a worst-case scenario, the loss on the government loan should be well under 50%.

Good point.

*Why would the banks sell at a loss? Maybe the government would basically force them to. Nice bank you have there, shame if anything were to happen to it-kind of thing...

Update: As Martin Feldstein points out here, the easiest way to encourage banks to sell their loans at a loss is for Treasury to promise to refill the resulting balance-sheet hole with future capital injections.

--Noam Scheiber"

“My administration,” the president added, “is the only thing between you and the pitchforks.”

TO BE NOTED: from the TNR:

Obama to Bankers: Beware the Pitchforks

Eamon Javers did some more reporting about that meeting at the White House last week between Obama and top bank CEOs and turned up this exchange:

[T]he CEOs of the most powerful financial institutions in the world offered several explanations for paying high salaries to their employees — and, by extension, to themselves.

“These are complicated companies,” one CEO said. Offered another: “We’re competing for talent on an international market.”

But President Barack Obama wasn’t in a mood to hear them out. He stopped the conversation and offered a blunt reminder of the public’s reaction to such explanations. “Be careful how you make those statements, gentlemen. The public isn’t buying that.”

“My administration,” the president added, “is the only thing between you and the pitchforks.”

No word on whether Obama fired up the little-used trap door Cheney had installed in the Roosevelt Room.

--Noam Scheiber