Each year in Cameroon at least 45,000 children die due to malnutrition, according to the UN Children's Fund.

TO BE NOTED: From IRIN:

"CAMEROON: "Silent emergency" persists

Photo: Elizabeth Dickinson/IRIN

Aid groups have poured in to Cameroon occasionally to help deal with refugee influxes, but aid officials say many local communities also face dire conditions (file photo)

DAKAR, 18 April 2009 (IRIN) - Each year in Cameroon at least 45,000 children die due to malnutrition, according to the UN Children's Fund.

UNICEF says it has been difficult giving voice to Cameroon's "silent emergency", unfolding as it is in a relatively stable country in sub-Saharan Africa, overshadowed by conflicts and refugee crises elsewhere in the region.

“It is a silent emergency because we have children in the north, extreme north and east who are severely malnourished,” Ora Musu Clemens, UNICEF representative in Cameroon, told IRIN from the capital Yaoundé.

In northern Cameroon global acute malnutrition (GAM) – weight deficit for height – stands at 12.6 percent, striking 115,000 children under five, according to UNICEF. Nearly 40 percent of children – some 350,000 – suffer chronic malnutrition. The World Health Organization classifies a GAM between 10 percent and 14.9 percent as "serious", warranting supplementary feeding; 15 percent and above constitutes an emergency.

UNICEF says new nutritional and health surveys in Cameroon are planned for later this year.

“Often when it comes to malnutrition in the region we think only of the ‘purely’ Sahel countries,” UNICEF-Cameroon nutrition specialist Denis Garnier told IRIN. “But Cameroon has high levels of malnutrition in its northern part equal to those in the Sahel; unfortunately this does not get the same attention.”

The population of the north and extreme north regions is about 4.9 million – more than the entire population of Liberia or Mauritania.

The causes of malnutrition in Cameroon are many and varied, and similar to those in many Sahel countries, according to Garnier: lack of basic healthcare, food insecurity, poor access to essential child-survival services and poor infant feeding practices. Isolation of these zones is also a contributing factor. Exacerbating difficult living conditions in eastern and northern Cameroon are influxes of refugees from Central African Republic and Chad.

“To its great credit Cameroon has opened its borders to refugees from Chad and Central African Republic,” UNICEF’s Clemens told IRIN. “But refugees are putting a great deal of pressure on already scarce resources. The host communities are not rich, yet are sharing what little is there.”

Nutrition and health

Nutritionist Garnier said the government is taking encouraging steps to integrate nutrition and malnutrition treatment into health services, but much remains to be done by all concerned, and resources are lacking.

Augustin Ndongmo Nanfack, head of nutritional monitoring and evaluation with Cameroon’s Health Promotion Department, told IRIN that for the first time the government is placing nutrition coordinators around the country. “We have had a deficit of nutritionists in the field,” he told IRIN. “Cameroon has not been seen as a country that has a problem of under-nutrition, but it clearly does.”

Photo: IRIN

He added: “We cannot possibly fight for the health of the population without paying attention to nutrition.”

What is needed, UNICEF’s Garnier said, is for government, UN agencies and NGOs to collaborate on reducing malnutrition. “Part of the challenge in the north and far north regions is a lack of NGO partners, particularly to monitor nutrition activities and quality of health care.”

He said many NGOs have come in to deal with refugee influxes in Cameroon. “But they leave after those emergency operations. It is difficult to mobilise NGOs for these regions because the problems are structural and because they are not well-known – we do not hear of them.”

Garnier said there is an “urgent” need to reinforce communities' capacity to deal with and prevent malnutrition. UNICEF and the government plan to scale up malnutrition treatment services in the north. A training on community-based management of malnutrition in three northern districts is planned for end of April, Garnier said.

In a recent paper UNICEF says large sectors of Cameroon's population lack access to basic health services, safe water, sanitation facilities and basic education.

But UNICEF has received no funding to date for its humanitarian operations in Cameroon for 2009, according to head of office Clemens. “This is very concerning to us. Donors are more focused on development issues here in Cameroon. But within that future-oriented, development context you have a humanitarian situation that must be addressed.”

The agency is appealing for US$650,000 to prevent and combat nutrition in 2009 and $2.48 million for humanitarian operations in all."

"The latest boneheadedness involves a new law that bans any Ethiopian NGO that gets more than 10 percent of its money from abroad."

From the NY Times, Nicholas Kristof on Ethiopia:

"Banning aid groups

By Nicholas Kristof

Ethiopia is doing some important work on health and economic development, and the government is registering real progress in raising living standards. But periodically the government undermines that good work by lashing out in boneheaded ways against dissidents, people in the Ogaden, journalists or others.

The latest boneheadedness involves a new law that bans any Ethiopian NGO that gets more than 10 percent of its money from abroad( AWFUL ). That’ll have a catastrophic effect on Ethiopia’s emerging civil society, the country’s best hope for the future – especially organizations working on gender, human rights and conflict.

One of my favorite groups, for example, is the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association, which has championed the rights of rural girls. In our forthcoming book, “Half the Sky,” my wife and I recount a case of a teenage girl who got help from EWLA in fighting systematic rape. EWLA will be crippled by this law.

Equality Now is fighting the law and has more information on it. Come on, Ethiopia – surely this isn’t the face you want to show the world!"

Here's the info:

"IMPORTANT: This Women’s Action is current and you are encouraged to send appeals to the authorities listed in the action. For background on particular cases, please see the Women’s Action Archive, which contains information on completed campaigns and earlier versions of updates.

Update: Women's Action 22.5
December 2008

Ethiopia: Proposed New Law Threatens to Shut Down Non-Governmental Organizations

In March 2002, Equality Now partnered with the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association (EWLA) in the campaign to outlaw bride abduction in Ethiopia, adding an international overlay to the advocacy EWLA carries out on the ground. Our Women’s Action highlighted the case of Woineshet Zebene Negash who in 2001 at the age of 13 was abducted and raped by Aberew Jemma Negussie in the south eastern town of Abadjema in the Guna Woreda district where she lived with her mother and grandparents. Two days later she was rescued, and Aberew Jemma Negussie was arrested. After he was released on bail, he abducted Woineshet again and held her for more than a month until she managed to escape, but only after he had forced her to sign a marriage certificate. At that time the law in Ethiopia permitted abductors and rapists to escape punishment if they married their victims. Social pressures often result in rape victims “consenting” to such marriages. Woineshet, however, with the support of her father, refused to marry her abductor and rapist.

Unusually, the authorities pursued a case against Aberew Jemma Negussie and his accomplices who were duly sentenced in 2003. On appeal, however, without notice to Woineshet or her counsel, all were released with the judge suggesting, based on no referenced evidence and despite her young age that Woineshet had consented to sex with Aberew Jemma Negussie. Even the prosecutor recommended overturn of the previous guilty verdict and did not object to the defendants being set free. EWLA, which had been providing Woineshet with legal assistance, petitioned for a further appeal to address the injustice of the appeal court ruling. An appeal was allowed and the case was heard on 4 December 2004 by the Oromia Supreme Court sitting in Addis Ababa. The Court ruled there were not sufficient grounds to reconsider the case, and it dismissed the appeal. All further appeals were rejected on similar grounds and all domestic legal recourse was therefore closed to Woineshet.

On 9 May 2005 after several years’ deliberation a new Penal Code came into effect in Ethiopia, which inter alia removed the marital exemption from punishment for abduction and rape. Stiffer penalties for rape were also introduced. However the law has not been rigorously enforced. Indeed, anecdotal information suggests abductions and rapes ceased when the outcome of Woineshet’s case was uncertain, but resumed when it was clear the perpetrators would go unpunished. In our efforts to seek justice for Woineshet, as well as to secure enforcement of the law for other girls who are still victim of the traditional practice of bride abduction, EWLA and Equality Now have submitted a communication to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights claiming violation of Woineshet’s rights under the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights. The case is currently under review.

Now the work of EWLA and others like it is at serious risk. A proposed new law in Ethiopia to regulate charities and societies threatens to halt the work of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), particularly those working in the field of human rights and justice and law enforcement services. The Charities and Societies Proclamation as currently drafted would give a newly-established Charities and Societies Agency very wide discretion to regulate NGOs and control their activities. Of crucial particular concern is the ban on NGOs which receive more than 10% of their funding from overseas from participating in work that promotes human and democratic rights, equality (including that of women), the rights of children and people with disabilities, conflict resolution, and the efficiency of justice and law enforcement. NGOs already fear the cancellation of valuable projects because the money to fund them comes from outside the country and it is unrealistic to expect local fundraising to make up the shortfall. In anticipation of passage of this bill, NGOs are also losing valuable staff who need to secure a more certain livelihood. This draconian and oppressive law, if it comes into force, could end the valuable work of many organizations and would be a severely wounding blow to an open and transparent society in Ethiopia.

EWLA faces a significant scaling down of its projects and eventual closure. It was founded by Ethiopian women lawyers in 1996 and its mission is to promote the economic, political, social and legal rights of women. It assists women to secure full protection of their rights under the Constitution of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and international human rights conventions to which Ethiopia is a party. EWLA also operates shelters for women survivors of violence. In September 2001, the Ministry of Justice attempted to bar EWLA from operating on the basis that it was engaging in activities other than those permitted by law. The attack on EWLA came after it made public the case of Hermela Wosenyeleh, a victim of sexual harassment, who was not able to secure adequate police protection. Domestic and international protests eventually rescinded EWLA’s suspension. EWLA is particularly concerned that the law could potentially reverse the gains made so far since organizations such as EWLA have been the catalyzing force behind women's rights promotion and protection by advocating for law reform and pioneering the provision of free legal aid to poor women victims of violence.

The Charities and Societies Proclamation is said to be aimed at aiding and facilitating the role of charities and societies in the overall development of the Ethiopian people. NGOs do not question the right of the Ethiopian government to regulate the work of charities in accordance with transparent and reasonable criteria which seek to improve the administration and functioning of charitable organizations and to hold them accountable to their mandates. Of concern if the Proclamation is passed into law in its current form is the effective ban on many organizations working on human rights and to improve the criminal justice system since most of these organizations depend on international funding. In addition, the draft Proclamation gives wide discretion to the proposed Charities and Societies Agency to set its own rules and regulations for the supervision and control of NGOs’ operations, and provides NGOs with relatively restricted ability to appeal any Agency decision, despite a Constitutional provision that the affairs of government will be transparent. The Ethiopian Constitution also protects freedom of expression, opinion, and petition among other rights. Similar provisions are included in various international human rights instruments to which Ethiopia is a party, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The Proclamation is at the last stage before being adopted into law. It is said the government wants to move swiftly for its adoption so that funds from abroad for human rights projects for the next financial year will be cancelled.

Recommended Actions( PLEASE NOTE )

Please write to the officials listed below expressing deep concern over the draft Charities and Societies Proclamation as it would effectively disallow human rights organizations from operating in Ethiopia. Highlight also the unacceptably wide scope of authority given to the proposed Charities and Societies Agency under the bill and the lack of transparency regarding its terms of operation. Ask the officials to ensure removal of the requirement that NGOs working on women’s rights and other specified issues raise at least 90% of their funding domestically and urge them to promote comprehensive revision of the text to guarantee that all NGOs, including those working to promote human rights, including women’s rights, are permitted to operate without political interference as provided under the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights treaties to which Ethiopia is a party.

Sample letter to Ethiopian officials

Letters should go immediately to:

H.E. Berhan Hailu
Minister of Justice
P O. Box 1370
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Tel: +251 11 551 3620
Fax: +251 11 551 7775
Email: justice@ethionet.et

H.E. Muferiat Kamil
Minister of Women’s Affairs
P.O. Box 1293
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Tel: +251 11 416 6375
Fax: +251 11 416 6362

With copies to:

H.E. Dr. Kassa G. Hiwot
Commissioner Ethiopian Human Rights Commission
P.O. Box 1165
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Tel: +251 11 618 0046
Fax: +251 11 618 0041
Email: hrcom@ethionet.et

H.E. Ato Abay Tekele
Ombudsman Institution
P.O. Box 2459
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Tel: +251 11 553 2052/53
Fax: +251 11 553 2073
Email: ombudsmaneth@ethionet.et

"it is local and international aid workers and non-political social activists who will likely be the real agents of change in Zimbabwe in 2009."

Checking in on Zimbabwe. From the Guardian:

"What does 2009 hold for Zimbabwe?

Will a government of national unity, if finally formed, be the solution to the country's problems?

Comments (11)

• 
• • Knox Chitiyo
  • guardian.co.uk, Sunday 4 January 2009 12.00 GMT
  • Article history

As Zimbabwe limps agonisingly into 2009, there is one immediate question which the MDC has to answer; will they join the still notional government of national unity, or not? Morgan Tsvangirai stated that unless well-known activists Jestina Mukoko and other civil society and opposition figures are released, he will ask the MDC's national council to suspend negotiations.

After the tumultuous silence following their abductions, Mukoko and her co-accused were suddenly produced, rabbit–style, out of the police hat. Allegedly, the accused were involved in the recruitment and training of saboteurs to overthrow Robert Mugabe from bases in Botswana. Even if this were true( COME ON ) – and there is as yet no wisp of evidence to support the state's case – the inhuman treatment of the activists is utterly unconstitutional and goes far beyond any crimes they have supposedly committed( IS THIS A SURPRISE ? ). If the MDC wish to give force to their ultimatum, they should not allow themselves to be steamrollered by Zanu-PF, South Africa and Southern African Development Community (SADC), into joining a Government of National Unity (GNU) just so they can all feed from the same trough.( AMEN )

"Operation Chimumumu"

Here's what that is:

"MARONDERA – Zanu (PF) has launched “Operation Chimumumu” - a nationwide campaign aimed at eliminating MDC officials and activists and some staff of targeted NGOs – in a desperate attempt to force MDC President, Morgan Tsvangirai, into a marriage of inconvenience.
The MDC has continued to resist being pressurized into the formation of an inclusive government in which Robert Mugabe continues to wield all the power – in contravention of the letter and spirit of the agreement signed in Harare on September 29.
Thirty armed men are reportedly being accommodated at a house owned by a senior Zanu (PF) politburo member in Winston Park, Marondera. The gunmen are allegedly dressed in riot gear and have been arresting locals before whisking them away to killing zones.
Mugabe and his military junta continue to thwart the legitimate power-sharing demands of the MDC - with the connivance of former South Africa president, Thabo Mbeki, and other undemocratic regional leaders."

The post continues:

"– the late 2009( 2008-DON ) assault on opposition and civil society activists by the Police and Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) – is part of the carrot and stick strategy; the carrot is the shiny new passport for Tsvangirai (and the promise of a seat at the edge of the high table as Prime Minister if he plays ball). The stick is the inevitable arrests, abductions and torture of opposition and civil society activists and the threat of worse to come if the MDC does not co-operate( YES ). Oddly enough, Zanu-PF may have given the opposition succour in making their choice. High court judge Yunus Omerjee ordered the immediate release of most of the accused. He also ordered that they be given access to proper medical treatment (many of them bear the signs of torture( TORTURE ) ), full access to lawyers, and normal visitation rights. Instead, the state has placed them in the notorious Chikurubi maximum security prison – a facility originally designed for the most violent criminal offenders.

There are other issues which need to be resolved – the ministerial posts, the governorships and the question of who will control the finances. But both MDC groups should insist on an unconditional end to political violence as a precursor to a GNU. Zanu-PF has alleged that the MDC is training military recruits in Botswana. If this is the case, then indeed the MDC has a case to answer; but Zanu-PF has not yet produced any proof. There is currently a SADC investigation into these claims. The MDC should insist that the findings be published before any GNU is formed, otherwise it will simply be yet another stick that they will be beaten with( LITERALLY ). The state is also making a distinction( UNREAL ) between humanitarian politics and human rights politics. Humanitarian aid organisations have been allowed ingress into Zimbabwe's blighted communities; human rights activists, in contrast, have not been spared the rod. The MDC then, if it were to join a GNU, would need to be aware of what it was getting into. It can hardly be part of a coalition government while civilians are being abducted and killed. There is no "acceptable" level of political violence, and the GNU cannot be Zimbabwe's redemption if the drums are beaten on human skin.( TRUE )

And what of military intervention? I don't see it happening. The most common suggestion is a military invasion of Zimbabwe from, or by, a neighbouring country (possibly Botswana)( I'D BE FOR IT ). Idi Amin's removal by Tanzania's Julius Nyerere in 1979 is cited as a useful precedent. There are many similarities between Mugabe's Zimbabwe and Amin's Uganda; a brutal leadership, a broken economy, the flight of millions, and a restive military. But there are some vital discrepancies – Amin provoked Tanzania and sent Ugandan forces into his neighbour's country in a hunt for Ugandan "dissidents". Mugabe has been very careful not to overstep the mark in his war of words with Botswana, and it would be difficult for the Botswana Defence Forces or other neighbouring country to justify invading Zimbabwe, other than in self-defence( A FAIR POINT ).

That leaves the UK and the United States to mull the challenge of direct intervention( NOT A GOOD IDEA ). This won't happen; UK and US forces are at full stretch in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the Caucasus and Middle East will always be considered more important than Africa; there is also little public or state appetite further military adventures in far away places. It would be a huge operation and there is little indication that anyone is willing to pay the costs. In addition, humanitarian military intervention is best applied when civilians are clustered in readily identifiable camps or zones which can be cordoned off and protected by an international mission. This is not the case in Zimbabwe at the moment – although there has been tremendous dislocation, most people are still in their rural or urban homes, and this makes it difficult to imagine how an operation such as this would work. More importantly, at the first intimation of a major military offensive against it, the security sector in Zimbabwe would target the opposition leadership for elimination or for use as hostages.

This is not to say that Zanu-PF will not face a military threat. Growing dissatisfaction within the rank and file of the security establishment, increasing indiscipline and possible small-scale mutinies might be complemented by a possible "third force" of anti-state military operatives beginning a campaign of violence if the politics remain unresolved. This third force, if it comes into being, would be a threat to both Zanu-PF and the MDC. It would not be an MDC organisation, but its existence would be used by Zanu-PF to justify further repression. For Zanu-PF, an open military challenge would bind supporters together, but it would also widen the fissures in the security sector periphery and lead to overstretch.

The year 2009 will start the way 2008 ended; with the Zimbabwe question unresolved. Zimbabwe will be on the SADC agenda in its January meeting, and it will also feature at the UN Security Council meeting early in 2009. Although the regime v opposition polemic will continue, for ordinary people what really matters is how their daily lives can be transformed for the better. In this regard, it is local and international aid workers and non-political social activists who will likely be the real agents of change in Zimbabwe in 2009."

A sad but realistic appraisal. We could do more. Certainly South Africa could.