TO BE NOTED: From Bloomberg:
"Geithner’s Non-Recourse Gift Keeps on Giving to Gross (Update1) By Jody Shenn
April 2 (Bloomberg) -- Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner’s plan to rid banks and markets of devalued assets may be a boon for Pacific Investment Management Co.’s Bill Gross.
The plan may reward investors with 20 percent annual returns on “really ‘toxic’” mortgages bought at 45 cents on the dollar by allowing them to borrow six times their money with “non-recourse” government-backed debt, New York-based Credit Suisse Group AG analysts Carl Lantz and Dominic Konstam wrote in a March 27 report. That loan would be worth 15 cents to an investor seeking the same return who can’t use borrowed money.
Geithner’s Public-Private Investment Program, or PPIP, promises to boost prices enough to encourage banks, insurers and hedge funds to sell their mortgage holdings, freeing them to make loans while creating a potential windfall for investors. Federal Reserve Chairman Ben S. Bernanke said March 20 that “credit market dysfunction” is countering efforts to fix the economy.
“One of the challenges has been that leverage has really been pulled away from the system and as a result the kinds of returns investors are looking for haven’t really been available,” said Ken Hackel, head of fixed-income strategy at RBS Securities in Greenwich, Connecticut. RBS is one of the 16 primary dealers that are obligated to bid at the Treasury’s auctions of government debt and which trade with the Fed.
Growing Interest
Since Geithner unveiled the plan on March 23, Pacific Investment, or Pimco, which manages the world’s biggest bond fund, and New York-based BlackRock Inc., the largest publicly traded U.S. asset manager, said they may be interested in participating in PPIP. Others include New York-based Apollo Global Management LLC, the private-equity firm run by Leon Black, and Los Angeles-based Colony Capital LLC, which has invested more than $39 billion since it was founded in 1991.
“This is perhaps the first win/win/win policy to be put on the table,” Gross, co-chief investment officer of Newport Beach, California-based Pimco, said in an e-mailed statement last week.
Pimco spokesman Mark Porterfield, Konstam and Lantz didn’t return calls seeking comment.
Geithner’s plan may already be working. Top-rated commercial-mortgage bonds rose 5.6 percent since March 20 to about 79 cents on the dollar on average, according to Merrill Lynch & Co. indexes. The most-senior class of benchmark 2005 securities backed by fixed-rate Alt-A home loans, or those ranked between prime and subprime, increased about 12 percent to 54 cents as of March 31, according to Deutsche Bank AG.
Government Loans
Geithner’s plan encourages investors to buy as much as $1 trillion of real-estate assets by using $75 billion to $100 billion provided by the Treasury and government loans. The goal of the Fed and the Treasury since September has been to cleanse banks of troubled assets.
The Treasury would match the money asset managers raise to join them in public-private funds. The Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. would guarantee borrowing offered to funds buying loans, while the Treasury and Fed would offer financing to mortgage- securities buyers. The Fed loans may be made available to investors that are not part of the public-private funds.
“Institutional investors, especially the largest, want to be able to put more leverage into trades so they can get higher returns for their efforts,” said David Castillo, a senior trader of structured-finance bonds at Further Lane Securities in San Francisco. “On paper the concept is wonderful, though I’m of the opinion most banks still won’t be able to sell.”
$12.8 Trillion
Analysts at JPMorgan Chase & Co., Barclays Plc and Deutsche Bank AG also say they don’t expect banks to sell many loans into the program because accounting rules mean they generally carry the debt at face value. That suggests they would record a loss when selling the assets, eroding their capital.
The credit markets began to seize up in 2007 as losses on subprime mortgages mounted. Since then, the world’s largest financial institutions have taken $1.3 trillion in losses and writedowns, according to Bloomberg data. Gross domestic product shrank 6.3 percent in the fourth quarter, the most since 1982, as banks reined in lending.
The government and Fed have spent, lent or committed $12.8 trillion, an amount that approaches the value of everything produced in the country last year, to stem the longest recession since the 1930s, Bloomberg data show.
“Widening credit spreads, more-restrictive lending standards and credit market dysfunction are working against the monetary easing and leading to tighter financial conditions,” Bernanke said March 20, addressing the Independent Community Bankers of America’s national convention in Phoenix.
Congressional Skepticism
The Treasury’s role in buying securities with private investors raises the risk the government would interfere with the businesses of its partners, said Jim Shallcross, who oversees about $14 billion in bonds as director of portfolio management at McLean, Virginia-based Declaration Management & Research LLC.
Representative Spencer Bachus of Alabama, the top Republican on the House Financial Services Committee, said in an April 1 interview that the distribution of half of the profits to the investor “does bother me.”
“But even beyond that, what bothers me even more is it’s taxpayer money,” Bachus said. “What you are doing is artificially inflating the price of those assets because at the present prices the financial institutions won’t sell them.”
Geithner signaled he’d oppose any attempt to claw back profits from investors participating in the program. Investors and banks “need to have confidence that the rules of the game are going to be clear, consistently applied in the future,” he said in an April 1 Bloomberg Television interview in London.
‘Taxpayer Loses’
Nobel prize-winning economists Paul Krugman, a professor at Princeton University in Princeton, New Jersey, and Joseph Stiglitz, a professor at the Business School of Columbia University in New York, blasted Geithner’s plan for putting the taxpayer on the hook for losses with what they say is little likelihood of success.
“The Geithner plan works only if and when the taxpayer loses big time,” Stiglitz wrote in the New York Times this week. “With the government absorbing the losses, the market doesn’t care if the banks are ‘cheating’ them by selling their lousiest assets, because the government bears the cost.”
Krugman wrote in the Times last month that “Obama is squandering his credibility” with the plan.
Price to Pay
Pimco’s other co-chief investment officer, Mohamed El- Erian, said today that the plan’s economic benefits outweigh its flaws. Those benefits include helping to remove toxic assets from bank balance sheets, reestablishing a functioning market and attracting private capital.
“It is a price that society has to pay because, for doing that, it gets a few things that are important,” El-Erian said in an interview with Bloomberg Radio.
Democratic Representative Carolyn Maloney of New York, who chairs the congressional Joint Economic Committee, said in an April 1 interview that she didn’t have much concern about investors profiting from the program.
“It’s a way to get the assets off the books,” she said.
RTC Example
While the government’s takeovers of failed savings and loans in the late 1980s and early 1990s cost taxpayers and let private investors gain, it succeeded in ending the crisis. The Resolution Trust Corp. recovered almost $400 billion from asset sales, short of their book value of $452 billion, the agency’s executives said on the day it was shut down on 1995. The government cost of the bailout totaled about $90 billion.
“There was a lot of concern that they were selling the assets too quickly and too cheaply,” said Raghuram Rajan, the former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund in Washington who’s now a professor at the University of Chicago. “There was a lot of second guessing, but it worked.”
The odds of Geithner’s programs succeeding would be low if the financing offered was “recourse,” Credit Suisse’s Lantz and Konstam said. That would require the funds to pay back the government funds with their own money if the value of the assets fell below the amount of the loans.
Declining Value
With recourse loans, the type of “toxic” mortgages identified by the Credit Suisse analysts, which have a hypothetical 40 percent annual default probability and only 10 percent expected recoveries, would be worth only 19.7 cents.
The type of loans that may be sold, New York-based Citigroup Inc. analyst Darrell Wheeler said in a March 27 report, include $93 billion of commercial mortgages that are probably carried on the books of banks at 65 cents to 75 cents on the dollar because they were meant to be packaged into bonds.
Unlike Geithner’s plan for loans, the public-private funds for securities will be limited initially to only five managers, such as Pimco and BlackRock, already overseeing $10 billion of the assets targeted. That program will buy securities from holders of toxic assets other than banks.
“There it’s probably going to work -- for five people,” said Dan Castro, chief risk officer at hedge fund Huxley Capital Management in New York. “You’re selecting a very small group of large guys and giving them all the advantages.”
Potential Profits
By providing loans, the government may allow investors to more than double their potential profits.
The most-senior class of a 2007 Goldman Sachs Group Inc. commercial-mortgage bond traded at 69.6 cents on the dollar on March 27, offering a yield of 12 percent, according to report that day from Bank of America Corp. analysts Roger Lehman and Julia Tcherkassova in New York.
If the Fed provides a five-year non-recourse loan and requires an investor to put up only 85 percent of the cost of the securities, then that investor could “walk away” when the loan expires and still have earned 25 percent returns, Lehman and Tcherkassova wrote. That assumes losses on the underlying loans don’t exceed 30 percent.
That type of bond has risen more than 10 cents on the dollar since the plan was announced, according to Wheeler.
The amount of leverage available under the Fed’s program hasn’t been announced. The FDIC program will offer as much as six times the money raised by the private-public funds from individuals and the Treasury.
‘We intend to participate and do our part to serve clients as well as promote economic recovery,’’ Pimco’s Gross said in the e-mail."
Paul Krugman says this:
"Why was I so quick to condemn the Geithner plan? Because it’s not new; it’s just another version of an idea that keeps coming up and keeps being refuted. It’s basically a thinly disguised version of the same plan Henry Paulson announced way back in September. To understand the issue, let me offer some background."
Here's the first I remember about this plan. It's William Gross in the WaPo on Sept. 27th:
"And so, instead of mild medication and rest, it became apparent that quadruple bypass surgery is necessary. The extreme measures are extended government guarantees and the formation of an RTC-like holding company housed within the Treasury. Critics call this a bailout of Wall Street; in fact, it is anything but. I estimate the average price of distressed mortgages that pass from "troubled financial institutions" to the Treasury at auction will be 65 cents on the dollar, representing a loss of one-third of the original purchase price to the seller, and a prospective yield of 10 to 15 percent to the Treasury. Financed at 3 to 4 percent via the sale of Treasury bonds, the Treasury will therefore be in a position to earn a positive carry or yield spread of at least 7 to 8 percent. Calls for appropriate oversight of this auction process are more than justified. There are disinterested firms, some not even based on Wall Street, with the expertise to evaluate these complicated pools of mortgages and other assets to assure taxpayers that their money is being wisely invested. My estimate of double-digit returns assumes lengthy ownership of the assets and is in turn dependent on the level of home foreclosures, but this program is, in fact, directed to prevent just that.
In effect, the Treasury will have the fate of the American taxpayer in its hands. The Resolution Trust Corp., created in the late 1980s to deal with the savings and loan crisis, dealt with previously purchased real estate, which was flushed into government hands with a "best efforts" future liquidation. Today, the purchase of junk mortgages, securitized credit card receivables and even student loans will be bought at prices significantly below "par" or cost, and prospectively at levels allowing for capital gains. This is a Wall Street-friendly package only to the extent that it frees up funds for future loans and economic growth. Politicians afraid of parallels to legislation that enabled the Iraq war are raising concerns about a rush to judgment, but the need for speed is clear. In this case, there really are weapons of mass destruction -- financial derivatives -- that threaten to destroy our system from within. Move quickly, Washington, with appropriate safeguards.
The Treasury proposal will not be a bailout of Wall Street but a rescue of Main Street, as lending capacity and confidence is restored to our banks and the delicate balance between production and finance is given a chance to work its magic. Democratic Party earmarks mandating forbearance on home mortgage foreclosures will be critical as well. If this program is successful, however, it is obvious that the free market and Wild West capitalism of recent decades will be forever changed. Future economic textbooks are likely to teach that while capitalism is the most dynamic and productive system ever conceived, it is most efficient over the long term when there is another delicate balance -- between private incentive and government oversight."
Interestingly, even the price of the TAs is the same. The overall plan is to have someone buy the TAs at a discount, borrow cheaply from the government, and sell the TAs down the line for a profit.
There were various schemes offered for the government to do this. Why didn't anything come of them? This is harsh, but I believe it's because there's a widespread belief that the government is either incompetent or a sucker, and would vastly overpay for these TAs no matter the plan. Every other reason boils down to this in my view.
I suggested that the only way for the government to do this was to lie, hire Gross and John Paulson secretly, and have them buy up the TAs under their own names for the government. Needless to say, this is not politically feasible.
So, in my view, the government is meant to be played in many investor's minds, and history has reinforced that view to them. That's why the Swedish Plan was the only way to go. The government needed to show that it would be ruthless in protecting the taxpayer's interests in winding down this crisis. Once this ruthlessness was not shown, we were bound to end up in a mess, with hybrids in which the government and investors danced a costly tango.
In theory, some of these TAs could be profitably purchased. But no one really believes that the government would make the hard choices necessary to do this. We're paying more precisely because the market expects us to.
Don the libertarian Democrat
By the way, thanks to Yves for allowing us to post our thoughts, giving it our best shot. Krugman's blog rejects many comments.
March 21, 2009 2:15 PM