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Tuesday, May 5, 2009
The above is what real fear, real terror and real oppression are all about.
...they've got no space left in the morgues.
In Caucasia, Antioquia, medics are complaining about the heavier that normal workload of autopsies. In the period Jan 1st to April 25th 2008 there were "just" 46 murders in an otherwise sleepy old town, but this year it's got up to a pesky 102 in the same lapse. "Here we only have one autopsy table and two old storage compartments, and on average we're doing two autopsies a day", said the doc.
As for the atmosphere around the place, here are a few quotes:
"The rumours run from neighbourhood to neighbourhood, but nobody knows anything when they're asked about a crime."
"They say that two men were in a hairdressers. On hearing a woman talk about the conflict they made the hair stylist shave her bald and remove her eyebrows, and then gave her 24 hours to leave Caucasia."
"The assassins rent one house in every neighbourhood, which allow them to hide quickly once they commit a crime and we (the police) cannot enter without a search warrant."
"The people fear for their lives, because those committing the homicides are locals, young men that were born and raised here."
So, gentle reader and lover of freedom, how does the situation in Caucasia compare to the US-backed shouts of "oppression!" that comes from the mouths of theVenezuelans with painted hands as they march noisily down streets tilting against windmills? The above is what real fear, real terror and real oppression are all about. When it's the genuine article, noise is replaced by a roaring silence and you rarely get to find out about it."
Friday, April 24, 2009
The last thing the Western Hemisphere needs are more trade barriers that would snarl supply chains and damage commerce
"Austan Goolsbee's Vindication
Obama backtracks on Nafta, as his economic advisor said he would.
Perhaps we should call this Austan Goolsbee's revenge. Recall that last year the Obama economic adviser had told a Canadian diplomat to ignore Mr. Obama's Nafta campaign rhetoric; the candidate was merely pandering to Big Labor. When that disclosure became news, Mr. Goolsbee was banished to the campaign's isolation ward for imperfect spinners. Now we know Mr. Goolsbee -- not the candidate -- was the one telling the truth.
Mr. Obama got an earful on trade from his counterparts at the Summit of the Americas over the weekend and that might have something to do with his Nafta walkback. But three other trade issues to watch are the unilateral U.S. ban on Mexican long-haul trucks, which has sparked a trade war with that country, the U.S. failure to ratify a free trade agreement with Colombia, and the 54-cent per gallon U.S. import duty on Brazilian ethanol. Mr. Obama has promised to discuss each one. But the real test will be his willingness to spend political capital to defeat protectionists in Congress.
Mr. Obama's stonewall on Colombia is especially damaging. On the weekend the White House was still repeating the AFL-CIO talking points about "violence against labor leaders in Colombia." But even Mr. Obama's own trade rep, Ron Kirk, admits Colombia has made enormous human rights progress. Mr. Obama's Nafta decision signals he's not keen to pick another trade fight, but he still has some major repair work to do with our Latin American friends."
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
Rastrojos, a criminal army, raped two Embera girls in early March and killed an Embera man before burning his body in front of his family
"Wider Drug War Threatens Colombian Indians
Displaced women from the Embera indigenous ethnic group.
NUNCIDO, Colombia — Up and down the rivers of western Colombia, a new breed of criminal armies is pressing deeper into this isolated jungle, fighting with guerrillas for control of the cocaine trade and forcing thousands of Indians to flee.
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It is the kind of nightmarish ordeal that is an all-too-common feature of Colombia’s long war: peasants being terrorized by gunmen seeking dominance in the backlands.
But as Colombia’s war for control of the drug trade intensifies in frontiers like this one, with new combatants vying for smuggling routes and coca-growing areas where Indians eke out a meager existence, it is adding to the already grave toll on the nation’s indigenous groups. At least 27 of the groups are at risk of being eliminated because of the country’s four-decade conflict, according to the United Nations, and human rights organizations worry that the new violence is pushing even deeper into the Indians’ ancient lands.
Here in the Chocó region’s jungle, gunmen arrived as Jhonny Caisamo was harvesting plantains. More than 100 strong, the men beat him with the flat part of their machetes, then threatened to drown him in the brown waters of the Cedro River.
“They wanted to know where the guerrillas were camped,” said Mr. Caisamo, 18, one of many Embera Indians to recount recent beatings, rapes or threats by armed groups here. “They told me they would kill me if I did not collaborate.”
The battles are unfolding far from largely pacified cities like the capital, Bogotá, where a newly confident government acclaims recent military advances against leftist rebels and the demobilization of thousands of paramilitary fighters. In another region, officials recently helped one indigenous group, the Arhuacos, reclaim land from paramilitary fighters.
But the seeming stability in some places belies the conflict in remote areas, where Indians like the Embera find themselves at the mercy of armed groups. Colombia has about three million internal refugees — second in number only to Sudan, the United Nations says — and its Indians bear a disproportionate share of the suffering.
“Our rulers in Bogotá prefer to ignore that an entire section of the country is surviving, just barely, as if we are in the 16th century, when plunder and killing were the norm,” said Víctor Copete, who runs Chocó Pacífico, a foundation addressing the violence here in Chocó, one of the nation’s poorest departments, or provinces.
The latest displacement of the Embera was set off by a collective panic after reports that the Rastrojos, a criminal army, raped two Embera girls in early March and killed an Embera man before burning his body in front of his family.
Witnesses said the gunmen then went from village to village, beating, torturing, abducting and temporarily detaining some Embera leaders to get information about the gunmen’s rivals, the Cimarrón faction of the National Liberation Army, or E.L.N., a small rebel group that has held sway in the area for years.
“There is safety in numbers, so we moved here,” said Dionel Isaramá, 38, in a one-room hut with 27 other people from his hamlet, hours away by foot. “We will not return as long as our fear of the armed men remains with us.”
Before the Embera Indians were displaced, the nation’s main rebel group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, admitted killing eight Awá Indians in February in Nariño, another department, accusing them of informing for the Colombian Army.
Late last year, tensions also flared in Cauca, a nearby province, after the husband of a Nasa Indian leader was killed at a military checkpoint, and it was reported that at least eight Nasa Indians had been assassinated. Nasa leaders said those responsible included both the FARC and paramilitary groups working with large landowners who oppose land reform demands.
Here in Chocó, the Embera fleeing during the first three months of this year almost equaled the 2,400 displaced in all of 2008, said Luis Enrique Murillo, the peace commissioner here. Many of their villages lie in areas long under the control of rebel groups, but are now in the cross hairs of the criminal armies trying to dislodge the guerrillas.
Chocó may be an ideal theater for the latest phase of this ever changing, labyrinthine war. Fighters are lured by its geography, with outlets to the Pacific, the Caribbean and Panama, offering options for smuggling out cocaine and shipping in arms.
In the conflict’s latest incarnation, neo-paramilitary groups like the Rastrojos, which originated as a cocaine-trafficking syndicate around the city of Cali, have emerged from the ashes of demobilized groups. At times they use some of the same fighters from groups that formed years ago to combat the leftist guerrillas, but they also forcibly recruit new combatants in areas like Chocó, security analysts said.
Now these new armed groups, stripped of their old ideological bents, are forging alliances with rebels in some parts of the country, while going for their throats in others, like this swath of Chocó, according to security analysts. Either way, their objective remains the same: dominance over coca-growing areas and routes to ship cocaine abroad, predominantly to the United States.
The conflict has found new life in areas like Chocó partly because of the government’s successes elsewhere. As American-financed eradication projects have cut coca growing in some areas, Chocó’s cultivation of the crop surged 32 percent in 2007, according to the United Nations.
Most of Chocó’s 450,000 people lack drinkable water. Thousands live in wooden shacks on stilts. Grenade blasts like one in late March in the regional capital, Quibdó, which wounded 13 people, go largely unnoticed elsewhere in the country.
In isolated villages like Nuncido, where more than 100 of the Embera have recently fled, children with distended bellies and light-colored hair, a sign of malnutrition, asked for food.
The government has brought in some soldiers to help, but they said they would leave soon. Some of the fleeing Embera Indians, however, worry that the emergency will last for months, perhaps longer.
In Puerto Meluk, a river port with bars blaring vallenato music and stores selling chemicals used to process coca into cocaine, some Embera refugees cooked in a swamp reeking of raw sewage and recounted stories similar to those upriver: of beatings and threats in their villages, then displacement here.
At one house with 11 families crowded inside, Enrique Manyoma, a 42-year-old maize farmer, told of his escape from the village of Incirá.
“That is my daughter, Marta Cecilia,” Mr. Manyoma said, pointing to an infant. “She was born here eight days ago.
“As long as the men with guns remain in the jungle,” he said, “I do not think her home will be in Incirá.”
Monday, January 12, 2009
“The Bush administration has consistently turned a blind eye to Colombia’s serious human rights violations,”
"(Washington, DC, January 12, 2009) – US President George W. Bush’s decision to award the Presidential Medal of Freedom to President Álvaro Uribe of Colombia is a disturbing example of the Bush administration’s disregard for serious human rights concerns out of zeal to show unconditional support to governments that it views as strategic allies, seven leading nongovernmental organizations said today.( PATHETIC )
The organizations include Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International-USA, Center for International Policy, Human Rights First, Latin America Working Group, Refugees International, and the Washington Office on Latin America.
Bush is giving the award to Uribe at a ceremony in the White House on Tuesday, January 13, 2009.
“The Bush administration has consistently turned a blind eye to Colombia’s serious human rights violations,” said the organizations. “Its selection of Uribe to receive this award only further tarnishes the Bush administration’s own reputation on human rights issues in the region.”
The groups pointed out that President Uribe has repeatedly taken steps and carried out policies that are damaging to human rights in Colombia.
Under President Uribe’s watch, there has been a dramatic increase in reports of extrajudicial killings of civilians by the Colombian Army. And while Uribe’s government has strongly confronted the abusive left-wing guerrillas of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), Uribe has failed to take a similarly clear stance against equally abusive drug-running paramilitary groups, who have massacred, raped, and forcibly displaced thousands of Colombians in recent decades. Fundamental flaws in a paramilitary demobilization process under Uribe have permitted many of the groups to continue to engage in abuses under new names. The president's verbal attacks on his country’s human rights defenders have been frequent and disturbing. And Uribe has often opposed efforts to break paramilitaries’ influence in the political system, including by making unfounded accusations against the Supreme Court justices who are investigating more than 70 members of the Colombian Congress for links to paramilitaries."
What a disgrace.



































