Showing posts with label IMF. Show all posts
Showing posts with label IMF. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 22, 2009

additional capital surcharge that could be designed as a deterrent to firms becoming “too-connected-to-fail

TO BE NOTED: From the IMF:

xi
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The global financial system remains under severe stress as the crisis broadens to include households, corporations, and the banking sectors in both advanced and emerging market countries. Shrinking economic activity has put further pressure on banks’ balance sheets as asset values continue to degrade, threatening their capital adequacy and further discouraging fresh lending. Thus, credit growth is slowing, and even turning negative, adding even more downward pressure on economic activity. Substantial private sector adjustment and public support packages are already being implemented and are contributing to some early signs of stabilization. Even so, further decisive and effective policy actions and international coordination are needed to sustain this improvement, to restore public confidence in financial institutions, and to normalize conditions in markets. The key challenge is to break the downward spiral between the financial system and the global economy. Promising efforts are already under way for the redesign of the global financial system that should provide a more stable and resilient platform for sustained economic growth.
To mend the financial sector, policies are needed to remove strains in funding markets for banks and corporates, repair bank balance sheets, restore cross-border capital flows (particularly to emerging market countries); and limit the unintended side effects of the policies being implemented to combat the crisis. All these objectives will require strong political commitment under difficult circumstances and further enhancement of international cooperation. Such international commitment and determination to address the challenges posed by the crisis are growing, as displayed by the outcome of the G-20 summit in early April.
Without a thorough cleansing of banks’ balance sheets of impaired assets, accompanied by restructuring and, where needed, recapitalization, risks remain that banks’ problems will continue to exert downward pressure on economic activity. Though subject to a number of assumptions, our best estimate of writedowns on U.S.-originated assets to be suffered by all holders since the outbreak of the crisis until 2010 has increased from $2.2 trillion in the January 2009 Global Financial Stability Report (GFSR) Update to $2.7 trillion, largely as a result of the worsening base-case scenario for economic growth. In this GFSR, estimates for writedowns have been extended to include other mature market-originated assets and, while the information underpinning these scenarios is more uncertain, such estimates suggest writedowns could reach a total of around $4 trillion, about two-thirds of which would be incurred by banks.
There has been some improvement in interbank markets over the last few months, but funding strains persist and banks’ access to longer-term funding as maturities come due is diminished. While in many jurisdictions banks can now issue government-guaranteed, longer-term debt, their funding gap remains large. As a result, many corporations are unable to obtain bank-supplied working capital and some are having difficulty raising longer-term debt, except at much more elevated yields.
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
A wide range of nonbank financial institutions has come under strain during the crisis as asset prices have fallen. Pension funds have been hit hard—their assets have rapidly declined in value while the lower government bond yields that many use to discount their liabilities have simultaneously expanded their degree of underfunding. Life insurance companies have suffered losses on equity and corporate bond holdings, in some cases significantly depleting their regulatory capital surpluses. While perhaps most of these institutions managed their risks prudently, some took on more risk without fully appreciating that potential stressful episodes may lie ahead.
The retrenchment from foreign markets is now outpacing the overall deleveraging process, with a sharp decline of cross-border funding intensifying the crisis in several emerging market countries. Indeed, the withdrawal of foreign investors and banks together with the collapse in export markets create funding pressures in emerging market economies that require urgent attention. The refinancing needs of emerging markets are large, estimated at some $1.8 trillion in 2009, with the bulk coming from corporates, including financial institutions. Though notoriously difficult to forecast, current estimates are that net private capital flows to emerging markets will be negative in 2009, and that inflows are not likely to return to their pre-crisis levels in the future. Already, emerging market economies that have relied on such flows are weakening, increasing the importance of compensatory official support.
Despite unprecedented official initiatives to stop the downward spiral in advanced economies—including massive amounts of fiscal support and an array of liquidity facilities—further determined policy action will be required to help restore confidence and to relieve the financial markets of the uncertainties that are undermining the prospects for an economic recovery. However, the transfer of financial risks from the private to the public sector poses challenges. There are continuing concerns about unintended distortions and whether the short-term stimulus costs, including open-ended bank support packages, will combine with longer-term pressures from aging populations to put strong upward pressure on government debt burdens in some advanced economies. Home bias is also setting in as officials are encouraging banks to lend locally and consumers to keep their spending domestically oriented.
These risks, discussed in Chapter 1, represent some of the most difficult issues that the public sector has faced in half a century. We outline below what we believe are the key elements to break the downward spiral between the financial sector and the real economy.
Immediate Policy Recommendations
Even if policy actions are taken expeditiously and implemented as intended, the deleveraging process will be slow and painful, with the economic recovery likely to be protracted. The accompanying deleveraging and economic contraction are estimated to cause credit growth in the United States, United Kingdom, and euro area to contract and even turn negative in the near term and only recover after a number of years.
This difficult outlook argues for assertive implementation of already-established policies and more decisive action on the policy front where needed. The political support for such action, however, is waning as the public is becoming disillusioned by what it perceives as abuses of taxpayer funds in some headline cases. There is a real risk that governments will be reluctant to allocate enough resources to solve the problem. Moreover, uncertainty about political reactions may undermine the likelihood that the private sector will constructively engage in finding orderly solutions to financial stress. Hence, an important component to restoring confidence will be clarity, consistency, and the reliability of policy responses. Past episodes of financial crisis have shown that restoring the banking system to normal operation takes several years, and that recessions tend to be deeper and longer lasting when associated with a financial crisis (see Chapter 3 of the April 2009 World Economic Outlook). This same experience shows that when policies are unclear and not
xii
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
implemented forcefully and promptly, or are not aimed at the underlying problem, the recovery process is even more delayed and the costs, both in terms of taxpayer money and economic activity, are even greater.
Given the global reach of this crisis, the effect of national policies can be strengthened if implemented in a coordinated fashion among affected countries. Coordination and collaboration should build upon the positive momentum created by the recent G-20 summit, and is particularly important with respect to financial policies to avoid adverse international spillovers from national actions. Specifically, cross-border coordination that results in a more consistent approach to address banking system problems, including dealing with bad assets, is more likely to build confidence and avoid regulatory arbitrage and competitive distortions.
In the short run, the three priorities identified in previous GFSRs and explicitly recognized in the February 2009 G-7 Communiqué remain appropriate: (i) ensure that the banking system has access to liquidity; (ii) identify and deal with impaired assets; and (iii) recapitalize weak but viable institutions and promptly resolve nonviable banks. In general, the first task is for central banks, while the latter two are the responsibility of supervisors and governments. Progress has been made in the first area, but policy initiatives in the other two areas appear to be more piecemeal and reactive to circumstances. Recent announcements by authorities in various countries recognize the need to deal with problem assets and to assess banks’ resilience to the further deteriorating global economy in order to determine recapitalization needs. These are welcome steps and as details become available will likely help reduce uncertainty and public skepticism. Lessons from past crises suggest the need for more forceful and effective measures by the authorities to address and resolve weaknesses in the financial sector.
Proceed expeditiously with assessing bank viability and bank recapitalization.
The long-term viability of institutions needs to be reevaluated to assess their capital needs, taking into account both a realistic assessment of losses to date, and now, the prospects of further writedowns. In order to comprehend the order of magnitude of total capital needs of Western banking systems, we have made two sets of illustrative calculations that factor in potential further writedowns and revenues that these banks may experience in 2009–10. The calculations rely on several assumptions, some of which are quite uncertain, and so the capital needed by banks should be viewed as indicative of the severity of the problem. The first calculation assumes that leverage, measured as tangible common equity (TCE) over tangible assets (TA), returns to levels prevailing before the crisis (4 percent TCE/TA). Even to reach these levels, capital injections would need to be some $275 billion for U.S. banks, about $375 billion for euro area banks, about $125 billion for U.K. banks, and about $100 billion for banks in the rest of mature Europe. The second illustrative calculation assumes a return of leverage to levels of the mid-1990s (6 percent TCE/TA). This more demanding level raises the amount of capital to be injected to around $500 billion for U.S. banks, $725 billion for euro area banks, $250 billion for U.K. banks, and $225 billion for banks in the rest of mature Europe. These rough estimates, based on our scenarios, suggest that in addition to offsetting losses, the additional need for capital derives from the more stringent leverage and higher capital ratios markets are now demanding, based on the uncertainty surrounding asset valuations and the quality of capital. Without making a judgment about the appropriateness of using the TCE/TA ratio, it is important to note that these amounts are lessened to the degree that preferred equity is converted into common equity (generating more of the loss-absorbing type of capital) and to the degree that governments have guaranteed banks against further losses of some of the bad assets on their balance sheets. In the United States, for instance, the amount of preferred shares issued in recent years is quite large and could help to raise the TCE/TA ratios if converted. In several countries, governments have agreed to take large proportions of the future losses incurred on selected sets of assets by some banks.
Thus, to stabilize the banking system and reduce this uncertainty, three elements are needed:
xiii
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
•
A more active role of supervisors in determining the viability of institutions and appropriate corrective actions, including identifying capital needs based on writedowns expected during the next two years.
•
Full and transparent disclosure of the impairment of banks’ balance sheets, vetted by supervisors based on a consistent set of criteria.
•
Clarity by supervisors regarding the type of capital required—either in terms of the tangible common equity or Tier 1—and the time periods allotted to reach new required capital ratios.
Conditions for public infusion of capital should be strict. In addition to taking stock of writedowns and available capital, bank supervisors who are in the process of evaluating the viability of banks will also need to assure themselves of the robustness of their funding structures, their business plan and risk management processes, the appropriateness of compensation policies, and the strength of management. Viable banks that have insufficient capital should receive capital injections from the government that preferably encourages private capital to bring capital ratios to a level sufficient to regain market confidence in the bank and should be subject to careful restructuring. While these institutions hold government capital, their operations should be carefully monitored and dividend payments restricted. Compensation packages and the possible replacement of top management should be examined carefully. Nonviable financial institutions need to be resolved as promptly as possible. Such resolution may entail a merger or possibly an orderly closure as long as it does not endanger system-wide financial stability.
Restructuring may require temporary government ownership. The current inability to attract private money suggests that the crisis has deepened to the point where governments need to take bolder steps and not shrink from capital injections in the form of common shares, even if it means taking majority, or even complete, control of institutions. Temporary government ownership may thus be necessary, but only with the intention of restructuring the institution to return it to the private sector as rapidly as possible. Most importantly, tangible common equity needs to be sufficient to allow the bank to function again—as this is the type of capital that markets are requiring to be held against potential writedowns. Most capital injections from governments thus far have come as preferred shares and these have carried with them a high cost that may impair the banks’ ability to attract other forms of private capital. Consideration could be given to converting these shares into common stock so as to reduce this burden. Uncertainty about further policy intervention also deters private capital, and thus clear messages to counter such uncertainty are needed. In a systemic banking crisis, preferential treatment of new bondholders and disadvantaging previous bondholders could well be destabilizing, since many bondholders are themselves financial institutions facing stress. Authorities need to be cognizant of the legal conditions under which their intervention may be considered a “credit event,” triggering credit derivative deliveries so as to avoid further systemic effects for other institutions or markets.
Cross-border cooperation and consistency is important. Cross-border coordination of the principles underlying public sector decisions to provide capital injections and the conditions for such injections is crucial in order to avoid regulatory arbitrage or competitive distortions. While difficult to coordinate policies in today’s political climate, authorities could usefully aim to provide comparisons between their proposals and others taken abroad as a way to provide more clarity.
Address “bad assets” systematically—asset management companies versus guarantees.
Given the differences in the problems faced by banking systems and the degree to which they have bad assets, various approaches have been adopted. The most important priority is to choose an appropriate approach, ensure that it is adequately funded, and implement it in a clear
xiv
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
manner. However, the use of different techniques between countries makes it all the more important that they coordinate the underlying principles to be applied when valuing the assets and determining the share of losses to be borne by the public sector. Among the methods being used so far, the United Kingdom has favored keeping the assets in the banks but providing guarantees that limit the impact of further losses. An alternative is to place the bad assets in a separate asset management company (AMC) (a so-called “bad bank”), an approach that Switzerland has adopted with UBS and that Ireland is also pursuing. This latter approach has the advantage of being relatively transparent and, if the bulk of the bank’s bad assets are transferred to the AMC, leaves the “good bank” with a clean balance sheet. The United States has provided a guarantee against a pool of assets that are either troubled or vulnerable to large losses in the case of Citibank and Bank of America, as well as proposing to establish private/public partnerships to purchase impaired assets from banks. The current proposal has elements to encourage private sector participation, but it is not clear yet whether banks will have enough incentive to actually sell their impaired assets. In general, different approaches can work depending on country circumstances.
Moreover, since valuation issues remain an important source of uncertainty, governments need to establish methodologies for the realistic valuation of illiquid, securitized credit instruments that they intend to support. When assets are not traded regularly and their market prices are based on “fire sales,” valuation should be based on expected economic conditions to determine the net present value of future income streams. Preferably, while recognizing the complexity of some of the assets, such a basic methodology should be agreed upon and consistently applied across countries to avoid overly positive valuations, regulatory arbitrage, or competitive distortions. The Financial Stability Board, working with standard setters, would be best placed to promote a coordinated approach.
Provide adequate liquidity to accompany bank restructuring.
Bank funding markets remain highly stressed and will only recover once counterparty risks lessen and banks and providers of wholesale market liquidity are more certain about how their funds are to be deployed. Many governments have introduced measures to protect depositors and have guaranteed various forms of bank debt, but little longer-term funding is available without such government backstopping. Even so, the wholesale funding gap remains large and the structure of national schemes could be made more consistent with each other to improve clarity and reduce frictions. As a result, central banks will need to continue to provide ample short-term liquidity to banks, and governments will need to provide liability guarantees, for the foreseeable future. However, it is not too early to consider exit policies, which in any case should be implemented gradually. Such policies should aim to gradually reprice the facilities and restrict the terms of their use so that there are incentives for banks to return to private markets.
* * *
In addition to the three priorities concerning advanced countries’ banking sectors, other immediate policy measures are to address the spread of the crisis to emerging market countries and the risk of financial protectionism.
Assure that emerging market economies have adequate protection against the deleveraging and risk aversion of advanced economy investors.
The problems of the advanced country banking sectors and the global contraction are now having severe effects on emerging market countries. We project annual cross-border portfolio outflows of around 1 percent of emerging market GDP over the next few years. Under reasonable
xv
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
scenarios, private capital flows to emerging markets could see net outflows in 2009, with slim chances of a recovery in 2010 and 2011.
As in advanced economies, emerging market central banks will need to assure adequate liquidity in their banking systems. However, in many cases the domestic interbank market is not a major source of funding, as much bank funding has been sourced externally in recent years. Thus, central banks may well need to provide foreign currency though swaps or outright sales. Those central banks with large foreign exchange reserves can draw on this buffer, but other means, such as swap lines with advanced country central banks or the use of IMF facilities, should also be a line of defense. The greater resources available to the IMF following the G-20 summit can help countries buffer the impact of the financial crisis on real activity and, particularly in the developing countries, limit the effect on the poor. Moreover, IMF programs can play a useful role in catalyzing support from others in some cases.
The vast majority of the rollover risk in emerging market external debt is concentrated in the corporate sector. Direct government support for corporate borrowing may be warranted. Some countries have extended their guarantees of bank debt to corporates, focusing on those associated with export markets. Some countries are providing backstops to trade finance through various facilities—helping to keep trade flowing and limiting the damage to the real economy. Even so, contingency plans should be devised in order to prepare for potential large-scale restructurings in case circumstances deteriorate further.
Within Europe, the strong cross-border dependencies make it essential that authorities in both advanced and emerging countries work together to find mutually beneficial solutions. The recently issued report of the “de Larosière Group” provides a good start for discussing intra-European Union coordination and cooperation. Concerns over the rollover of maturing debt and the continued external financing of current account deficits in emerging Europe require action. Joint action is also needed to address banking system problems—including coordination on stress tests involving the parent and subsidiaries, better home/host cooperation, and data sharing—as well as preparations to deal with stresses arising from household and corporate debt service. In cases where western European banks have multiple subsidiaries in emerging European countries, joint discussions among the relevant supervisors of how to deal with common predicaments would likely result in better outcomes for all parties.
Coordinate policies across countries to avoid beggar-thy-neighbor treatment.
Pressure to support domestic lending may lead to financial protectionism. When countries act unilaterally to support their own financial systems, there may be adverse consequences for other countries. In a number of countries, authorities have stated that banks receiving support should maintain (or preferably expand) their domestic lending. This could crowd out foreign lending as banks face ongoing pressure to delever their overall balance sheets, sell foreign operations, and seek to remove their riskier assets, with damaging consequences for emerging market countries and hence for the wider global economy. At the same time, recent agreements among the parents of banks in some countries to continue to supply their subsidiaries in host countries with credit are heartening.
Macroeconomic Policy Consistency and Reinforcement
In order to provide a foundation for a sustainable economic recovery, it is critical to stabilize the global financial system. As also noted in the April 2009 World Economic Outlook, policies aimed at the financial sector will also be more effective if they are reinforced by appropriate fiscal and monetary policies.
xvi
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Promote fiscal and financial policies that reinforce each other.
Restoring credit growth is necessary to sustain economic activity. Fiscal stimulus to support economic activity and limit the degradation of asset values should improve the creditworthiness of borrowers and the collateral underpinning loans, and combined with the financial policies to bolster banks’ balance sheets would enable sound credit extension. Also, seed funds for private-public partnerships for infrastructure projects could raise demand for loans.
For those countries where there is fiscal room to maneuver, fiscal stimulus will be looked at positively by markets, potentially helping to restore overall confidence. However, for governments already suffering large deficits or poor policymaking institutions, the markets may be less welcoming. Already, market concern at the potential fiscal cost of public support of the banking systems is evident in countries where explicit or implicit support has been provided, especially where the financial system is large compared to the economic size of the country. Although there has been some improvement recently, higher government bond yields, widening credit default swap spreads, or weakening currencies are all manifestations of this concern. Authorities should reduce their refinancing risks by lengthening their government debt maturity structure, to the extent that investor demand allows.
It is clear that stimulative policies are needed now, but careful attention must be paid to the degree of fiscal sustainability and implications for the government’s funding needs in any stimulus package, particularly given the contingent risks to the government’s balance sheet.1 Where stimulus packages suggest fiscal targets may be missed, packages need to be accompanied by credible medium-term fiscal frameworks for lowering deficits and debt levels.2 Without such policies, governments may risk a loss in confidence in the governments’ solvency.
Use unconventional central bank policies to reopen credit and funding markets, if needed.
A number of countries have rapidly lowered nominal policy rates as their first line of defense against the recession, and some are nearing (or have already arrived at) a rate close to zero while spreads on consumer and business lending rates continue to be high. In some cases, unconventional central bank policies to reopen credit and funding markets have been used, and others may need to be considered. The effectiveness of additional tools is difficult to gauge so far, but it is evident that moves to expand and alter the composition of the central banks’ balance sheet are becoming more common. As central banks increasingly use such tools, more thought should be given to appropriate exit strategies when conditions improve. Governments may need to provide assurances both to the integrity of the central bank’s balance sheet and its overall independence.
For some emerging market countries, interest rate policy in the present environment is complicated by the need to consider exchange rate implications. Some countries may have no scope to lower rates, and may even need to raise them, if cutting rates would lead to capital outflows. As with fiscal policy, individual country circumstances will dictate how monetary policy can be used. Some countries may be able to ease pressures on the exchange rates by providing foreign currency liquidity.
1See the section entitled “Costs of Official Support, Potential Spillovers, and Policy Risks” in Chapter 1; and Box 3.5 in Chapter 3.
2See the IMF paper “The State of Public Finances: Outlook and Medium-Term Policies After the 2008 Crisis,” March 6, 2009. Available via the Internet: http://www.imf.org/external/np/pp/eng/2009/030609.pdf.
xvii
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Setting the Stage for a More Robust Global Financial System
The immediate priority of policymakers is to address the current crisis. At the same time, work is continuing to develop a more robust financial system for the longer term. In addition to providing for a more resilient and efficient financial system after the crisis clears, a clear sense of direction about longer-term financial policies can also contribute to removing uncertainties and improving market confidence in the short term. While many of the proposals below may appear conceptual, their implications are real. Their proper implementation will require significant changes in structures and resources, while international consistency will be essential.3
There is little doubt that the crisis will require far-reaching changes in the shape and functioning of financial markets, and that the financial system will be characterized by lower levels of leverage, reduced funding mismatches, less counterparty risk, and more transparent and simpler financial instruments than the pre-crisis period. The private sector has a central responsibility to contribute to this new environment by improving risk management, including through attention to governance and remuneration policies.
Since neither market discipline nor public oversight were sufficient to properly assess and contain the buildup of systemic risks, improved financial regulation and supervision are key components to preventing future crises. The emphasis should be on how to detect and mitigate systemic risks through better regulation.
While attempts to eliminate all systemic risk would not only be impossible, but also would slow economic growth and constrain creativity and innovation, the current crisis demonstrates that greater emphasis should be placed on systemically focused surveillance and regulation. At the same time, a better macroprudential framework for monetary policy would also help to mitigate systemic risks. While we should strive for regulation that provides incentives for private institutions, wherever possible, to take actions that reinforce financial stability, we should recognize that system-wide stability is a public good that will be undervalued by private institutions and regulations will need to force systemically important firms to better internalize the overall societal costs of instability. For this to occur, the mandates of central banks, regulators, and supervisors should include financial stability. A clear framework to assess and act upon systemic risks will need to be in place, with a clear delineation of who is the lead systemic regulator.
To be able to mitigate systemic risks, those risks will need to be better defined and measured. Chapters 2 and 3 both shed light on various metrics to help identify systemically important institutions by observing both direct and indirect linkages. In some cases, the measures could be viewed as a starting point for the consideration of an( NB DON ) additional capital surcharge that could be designed as a deterrent to firms becoming “too-connected-to-fail.” Even if not formally used, the proposed measures could guide policymakers to limit the size of various risk exposures across institutions. Clearly, such methods would require very careful consideration and application in order to avoid outcomes whereby institutions find other means of taking profitable exposures. More discussion and research is needed before regulations based on this work could be put into place.
As regards regulatory reforms, we see five priority areas: extending the perimeter of regulation to cover all systemically important institutions and activities, preventing excessive leverage and reducing procyclicality, addressing market discipline and information gaps, improving cross-
3For a set of recommendations along these lines, see the IMF paper “Lessons of the Financial Crisis for Future Regulation of Financial Institutions and Markets and for Liquidity Management,” February 4, 2009. Available via the Internet: http://www.imf.org/external/np/pp/eng/2009/020409.pdf. xviii
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
border and cross-functional regulation, and strengthening systemic liquidity management. The main lessons can be summarized as follows.
Define systemically important institutions and the perimeter of prudential regulation.
As recognized by the recent G-20 Communiqué, this crisis has demonstrated that regulation needs to encompass all systemically important institutions. Traditionally, only a core set of large banks has been regarded as systemically relevant, but the crisis has shown that other nonbank financial intermediaries can be systemically important and their failure can cause destabilizing effects. Not only does an institution’s size matter for its systemic importance—its interconnectedness and the vulnerability of its business models to excess leverage or a risky funding structure matter as well.
In order to better capture systemic risks, regulation needs to be expanded to a wider range of institutions and markets. While certainly not all financial institutions need to be regulated, prudential supervision will need to cover some institutions that had previously been viewed as outside the core institutions (e.g., investment banks). Moreover, certain activities (such as credit derivatives and insurance) will need to be overseen by regulators regardless of the type of legal structure in which they are placed.
A two-tiered approach may work best. A wider tier would be required to provide information from which supervisors would determine which institutions are systemically important. The other tier would be a narrower—though wider than at present—perimeter of more intensified prudential regulation and oversight that would include all systemically important institutions. While these institutions would receive more intense scrutiny given their systemic importance, other institutions would continue to be overseen as participants in the payments or banking system or for consumer or investor protection purposes. Chapters 2 and 3 provide methodologies that could be used to discern how close institutions are to each other and thus the contours of an inner tier. These methods will be further explored as the IMF works toward a practical definition of a systemically important institution as requested by the G-20.
Prevent excessive leverage and curb procyclicality.
New regulatory approaches are needed to avoid the buildup of systemic risk and the subsequent and difficult deleveraging process. Finding solutions for how to limit leverage going forward and reduce the procyclical tendencies inherent in business practices and existing regulation remains challenging. Regulation should attempt to reinforce financial institutions’ sound risk-based decision-making, whereas deterring risk-taking in the global economy would be unhelpful. Regulation should provide incentives that support systemic stability, while discouraging regulatory arbitrage and short-termism, but the higher standards should be phased in gradually over time so that they do not exacerbate the present situation.
Capital regulation and accounting standards should include incentives and guidance that permit the accumulation of additional capital buffers during upswings when risks tend to accumulate and are typically underestimated. This would better reflect the risks through the cycle and thus add to capital and provisions that could be used to absorb losses during the downswings. Ideally, these countercyclical capital requirements would not be discretionary( NB DON ), but act as automatic stabilizers and be built into regulations. This would not limit the capacity of supervisors to act with supplementary measures if needed. An upper limit on leverage based on a simple measure could be useful as a supplementary restriction to more robust risk-weighted capital calculations.
Accounting rules and valuation practices should be strengthened to reflect a broader range of available information on the evolution of risks through the cycle. Accounting standard setters and prudential authorities should collaborate to achieve these objectives, with particular emphasis on enabling higher loan loss provisions during periods of rapid credit expansion, evaluating approaches
xix
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
to valuation reserves or adjustments when valuation of assets on the trading book are highly uncertain, and examining other ways to dampen adverse dynamics potentially associated with fair value accounting.
It is also necessary to reduce the procyclicality of liquidity risk by taking measures to improve liquidity buffers and funding risk management. During upswings, greater attention needs to be given to funding maturity structures and the reliability of funding sources that can prove vulnerable during downturns.
Address market discipline and information gaps.
It is important to address the gaps in information that have been revealed by the crisis. In many cases the information needed to detect systemic risks is either not collected or not analyzed with systemic risk in mind, especially those data needed to examine systemic linkages, as this requires information about institutions’ exposures to one another. However, in addition to some technical difficulties in collecting these data and formally measuring the exposures, there are legal impediments to their collection across different types of institutions within a country and across borders. Consistency of reporting and definitions and greater information-sharing across jurisdictions are needed to begin to make headway in this area.
Better information is needed on off-balance-sheet exposures, complex structured products, derivatives, leverage, and cross-border and counterparty exposures, supplementing the existing set of indicators used in early warning frameworks. Disclosure practices should be strengthened for systemically important financial institutions, including valuation methodologies and risk management practices, a revamped set of financial soundness indicators, and more effective assessments of systemic risk by policymakers. These elements are reinforced by the analysis in Chapters 2 and 3. As well, greater availability of reliable public information will help investors to perform proper due diligence, the failure of which was a major contributor to the present crisis.
Strengthen cross-border and cross-functional regulation.
Enhanced cross-border and cross-functional regulation will require improvements in institutional and legal settings. Progress is needed in reducing unnecessary differences, tackling impediments to supervision of globally and regionally important firms, with more harmonized early remedial action, bank resolution legal frameworks, and supervisory practices to oversee cross-border firms. An appointment of a lead regulator, in principle the home authority, by the college of regulators overseeing a firm would be essential to ensure adequate oversight. Home countries should endeavor to strengthen cooperation with host countries so as to assure lines of communication are open when rapid responses are required—contingency planning should involve all relevant parties.
Improve systemic liquidity management.
In terms of systemic liquidity management, central banks can learn some lessons from the crisis in terms of the flexibility of their operational frameworks, the infrastructure underlying key money markets, and the need for better mechanisms for providing cross-border liquidity.
Another way of limiting systemic linkages and the risks of multiple-institution distress is to provide clearing facilities that mitigate counterparty risk by netting trades and making the clearing facility a counterparty to every trade. Recent attempts to provide some of these services for the credit default swap market are welcome. However, allowing a large number of proposed institutions risks diluting much-needed counterparty risk mitigation by splitting up the volumes and reducing netting opportunities. A competitive environment could potentially lead to cost-cutting measures that may compromise risk management systems. Thus, if multiple clearing facilities are permitted, they should be subject to strong oversight using globally accepted standards, ensuring the ability to clear and
xx
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
settle across borders and in multiple currencies. Box 2.4 provides the principles for their construction.
* * *
Many of these recommendations have already been discussed in international fora and are forming the basis for new or altered regulation or supervisory guidance. The Financial Stability Board, through its main working group, has established a set of subgroups to provide policy guidance in a number of areas, including some of those emphasized here. The Basel Committee is considering changes to the Basel II framework and to its liquidity risk management framework. The International Accounting Standards Board and the Financial Accounting Standards Board have both issued guidance on how to value illiquid assets and have made other alterations to their accounting guidance and standards given the crisis and its causes. Other international organizations are reviewing their guidelines and best practices. For its part, the IMF will be revamping its Financial Sector Assessment Programs as well as improving its multilateral and bilateral surveillance. The joint Early Warning Exercise, conducted by the IMF in cooperation with the Financial Stability Board, will enhance the global coordination of risk assessments with the aim of making stronger policy recommendations to prevent a buildup of systemic risks.
xxi
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
xxii

Global Financial Stability Report

Responding to the Financial Crisis
and Measuring Systemic Risks

April 2009

©2009 International Monetary Fund


The Global Financial Stability Report provides semiannual assessments of global financial markets and addresses emerging market financing in a global context.*

Disclaimer Copyright and Usage

View the Full Text of the GFSR (use the free Adobe Acrobat Reader).

Contents

Preface (457KB pdf file)
Joint Foreword to World Economic Outlook and Global Financial Stability Report
Executive Summary (752KB pdf file)

many loans sitting on institutions’ balance sheets were eroding in value, not just the toxic sub-prime securities which first triggered the crisis

TO BE NOTED: From the FT:

"
IMF puts financial losses at $4,100bn

By Sarah O’Connor in Washington

Published: April 21 2009 14:02 | Last updated: April 21 2009 18:44

The deteriorating global economy means financial institutions now face total losses of $4,100bn on loans and other assets, the International Monetary Fund said on Tuesday, urging governments to take “bolder steps” to shore up institutions – including nationalising them where necessary.

The IMF said in its Global Financial Stability Report that many loans sitting on institutions’ balance sheets were eroding in value, not just the toxic sub-prime securities which first triggered the crisis.

The IMF estimated that total writedowns on US assets would reach $2,700bn, up from the $2,100bn estimate it made in January and almost double what it forecast in October last year. Including loans originated in Japan and Europe, the writedowns would hit $4,100bn, it added.

Banks would bear about two-thirds of the losses, it said, with insurance companies, pension funds, hedge funds and others taking the rest.

Efforts to cleanse these bad assets from balance sheets and replenish viable institutions with capital had so far been “piecemeal and reactive”, the IMF said, calling for more decisive government action.

“The current inability to attract private money suggests the crisis has deepened to the point where governments need to take bolder steps and not shrink from capital injections in the form of common shares even if it means taking majority, or even complete, control of institutions,” it said.

Financial sector losses

The report is likely further to unnerve investors, even though the writedown estimates are lower than those of some private economists. On Monday traders were so alarmed by news of rising delinquencies on consumer and business loans at Bank of America that they triggered a stock market sell-off.

US banks have so far taken about half of the writedowns they face, while European banks – particularly vulnerable because of their exposure to emerging European markets – have only taken one-fifth. But if banks took all the writedowns they face immediately, the IMF calculates it would wipe out their common equity altogether.

That highlights the urgent need to inject more capital into many banks and other institutions. To restore their balance sheets to the state they were in before the crisis – defined by the IMF as a tangible common equity to tangible asset ratio of 4 per cent – US banks need $275bn in capital injections, euro area banks need $375bn and UK banks $125bn.

But the IMF expressed concern that taxpayers were becoming weary of supporting the financial sector. “There is a real risk that governments will be reluctant to allocate enough resources to solve the problem,” the report said.

One possible step would be for governments to convert their preferred shares in banks into common equity, the IMF suggested. This is something that the US government is considering, a senior official has told the Financial Times, though some have criticised such measures as “nationalisation by the back door.”

Even if governments do take bold action to shore up the system, the credit crisis will be “deep and long-lasting”, the IMF warned. It said that deleveraging and economic contraction would cause credit growth in the US, the UK and the eurozone to contract and even turn negative in the near future, and only recover after a number of years.

The IMF was also gloomy about the prospects for emerging markets as foreign investors and banks withdraw funds. It estimated the refinancing needs of emerging markets are around $1,800bn, while net private capital will flow out of such economies this year.

Reshaping global financial regulation was another major topic in the IMF report. It suggested creating two tiers of regulatory oversight: one to gather information, and a smaller one for systemically important institutions with “intensified” regulation.

It also mooted the idea of levying an extra capital surcharge as a way to deter companies from becoming “too-connected-to-fail” in the first place.

reverse them as soon as practical and avoid the risks that come with sustained government intervention in the financial system

TO BE NOTED: From the FT:

"
Geithner says interventions should be short-lived

By Krishna Guha in Washington

Published: April 22 2009 14:23 | Last updated: April 22 2009 14:23

The US government wants its interventions in the banking system to be as short-lived as possible, Tim Geithner said on Wednesday.

Speaking at the Economic Club of Washington ahead of the outcome of bank stress tests, the US Treasury Secretary said: ”We are designing our financial programmes so we can reverse them as soon as practical and avoid the risks that come with sustained government intervention in the financial system.”

Citing ”encouraging signs” in the economy and markets, Mr Geithner nonetheless warned global policymakers against pulling back their efforts to support global growth.

Mr Geithner said this was not simply a severe version of a normal recession, but an ”abrupt correction of financial excesses” that had overwhelmed the self-correcting mechanisms of the economy and demanded ”extraordinary policy responses.”

Calling the global growth pattern of the mid-2000s unsustainable, the Treasury secretary said it was essential to prepare the foundations for a more balanced global recovery.

”We must set ourselves on a path so that one country or group of countries does not consume in excess while another set of countries produces in excess.”

He said policymakers had to pay more attention to the ”composition and quality of growth within and across nations”.

Mr Geithner called for a ”co-operative effort to lay the foundations for more stable national financial systems”. He added that ”our aim is to promote a race to the top.”

He said the government was mindful of the ”critically important” need to reduce the deficit in the medium term, ”so that recovery is not impaired by concerns about excessive borrowing in the future”.

And:

"
Full text: Geithner remarks

Published: April 22 2009 14:26 | Last updated: April 22 2009 14:26

Secretary Timothy F. Geithner

Remarks before The Economic Club of Washington

As Prepared for Delivery

Thank you, David. I appreciate the chance to speak to the Economic Club of Washington.

I want to talk today about the global nature of the current financial and economic crisis. I will offer an update on our efforts to bring the crisis to a close and set the stage for a new, more balanced prosperity in the future.

The world economy is going through the most severe crisis in generations. We each face somewhat different challenges and thus are not all in the same boat. But we are all in the same storm.

We now have in place a strong framework of policies to confront the crisis. Our challenge is to put those commitments into action, and to make sure that our actions are proportionate to the challenge.

The Global Nature of the Crisis

Although this crisis in some ways started in the United States, it is a global crisis. It is global in the sense that the damage has spread widely. It is global in the sense that the challenges we see in the United States today are common to many countries around the world.

We bear a substantial share of the responsibility for what has happened, but factors that made the crisis so acute and so difficult to contain lie in a broader set of global forces that built up in the years before the start of our current troubles.

Never before in modern times has so much of the world been simultaneously hit by a confluence of economic and financial turmoil such as we are now living through.

The International Monetary Fund now expects the world economy to decline this year for the first time in more than six decades. The 1.3% decline forecast by the IMF represents a sharp deterioration from the roughly 4% annual rate at which the world economy normally would be expected to grow. The lost output could be as high as three to four trillion dollars this year alone.

And those numbers mask grave damage to economies around the world.

Only 17 of the 182 economies followed by the IMF are expected to grow faster this year than they did last year. Some 71—including 30 of the world’s 34 advanced economies—are expected to shrink. The collapse of world trade is will likely be the worst since the end of World War II.

Several crucial lessons flow from the simultaneous nature of this crisis.

The rest of the world needs the U.S. economy and financial system to recover in order for it to revive. We remain at the center of global economic activity with financial and trade ties to every region of the globe.

Just as importantly, we need the rest of the world to recover if we are to prosper again here at home. Before the crisis, U.S. exports were among our economy’s fastest-growing sectors, accounting for more than 6 million American jobs, or about 5% of total private sector employment in the U.S. Now, they are one of its fastest-shrinking.

As a consequence, the community of nations must work together—and that work has already begun--to revive economies around the world and to lay the groundwork for a new, more stable and more sustainable pattern of growth in the future.

During the boom years, we marveled at how globalization was speeding the pace of economic activity and integrating national economies. Now, we are learning that in times of contraction globalization transmits trouble with enormous speed and force, affecting economies around the world – the relatively strong as well as the more vulnerable.

This crisis is not simply a more severe version of the usual business cycle recession, the typical downturn in which economies ultimately adjust and stabilize. Instead, it is an abrupt correction of financial excesses that has overwhelmed economies’ and markets’ self-correcting mechanisms, and so can only be ended by extraordinary policy responses.

The Policy Framework for Recovery

Over the last three months, President Obama has moved quickly to put in place a comprehensive framework of policy initiatives to restore growth and create jobs at home, and to build consensus with other nations on a coordinated global response.

This response reflects the three critical imperatives of the crisis:

First, it requires very strong actions to increase demand through fiscal actions--investments and tax incentives—alongside the actions undertaken by central banks to reduce interest rates.

Second, it requires a sustained effort to repair the financial system, so that we get credit flowing again to those who can use it most effectively.

Third, it requires the mobilization of financial resources to help directly address the challenges facing emerging and developing economies.

Spurring Growth

Within weeks of assuming office, the President worked with Congress to enact the largest economic recovery plan since World War II. By the time the plan has been fully implemented by the end of next year, we will have injected nearly $800 billion into the U.S. economy, saved or created 3.5 million jobs and raised our real gross domestic product over where it would otherwise have been by more than 3%.

In just over 60 days since its passage, funds are already at work in communities across the country as highway projects break ground and people see more money in their paychecks.

In tandem with our expansion plan, we and the other nations in the G-20 agreed during our Summit meeting in London earlier this month to muster an unprecedented, cooperative program of fiscal stimulus . The IMF estimates that our combined efforts add up to a $5 trillion dollar fiscal boost over the three years ending in 2010 and will raise global output by four percent over where it would otherwise have been.

What makes this global program so powerful is not simply its size, but the fact that nations are acting alongside each other to support demand with fiscal policy, which increases the effectiveness of each of our actions. Central banks started earlier in the crisis to move together to reduce interest rates, and those actions are now being matched on the fiscal front.

Repairing Financial Systems

Alongside these macroeconomic policy steps to support growth, the Administration has put in place a comprehensive plan to restart lending and the flow of credit. These initiatives include programs to bring more capital into the banking system; to help keep mortgage interest rates low and restructure mortgages and thereby reduce the magnitude of potential further declines in home prices; to help revive securitization markets critical to small business, consumer and corporate lending; and to re-start the market for legacy real estate assets.

Governments around the world are pursuing similar strategies. Although these programs are tailored to the specific challenges of each country, they have the common objective of stabilizing the financial system, providing capital where necessary, catalyzing securities markets, and facilitating the clean-up of legacy assets.

Mobilizing Global Resources

These two types of programs—to revive economic growth here and in other nations, and to repair our respective financial systems—are necessary conditions for restoring growth among the world’s major economies. But these actions need to be complemented by other steps to support trade and to mobilize resources for emerging markets and developing economies.

During our London Summit, we and our G-20 partners agreed that we will make more than $1 trillion in financial resources available to support global growth and trade. Much of that total will go to the emerging and developing countries, which as recently as the fall of last year accounted for fully 42% of all U.S. exports. That will improve their economic and financial health which, in turn, will help improve ours.

As part of our agreement, the IMF is seeking to immediately raise $250 billion in temporary financing from a group of countries that does not include the U.S. That amount will eventually be wrapped into a $500 billion increase in its New Arrangement to Borrow (NAB), a permanent back-up mechanism that provides the IMF with supplementary lending resources which the IMF can lend to countries, such as Mexico and Poland, to mitigate the effects of the crisis.

We are seeking congressional approval to increase our NAB participation by up to $100 billion, which because of the way it is structured will have no consequences for the federal budget and will not cause any increase in the deficit.

In addition, we have proposed that the IMF make a $250 billion general allocation of SDRs that will be distributed to all member nations including the U.S. in proportion to their IMF quotas. About $100 billion of this will go to emerging and developing nations. They, in turn, can use this liquidity as necessary to meet their foreign exchange obligations.

And the G-20 countries have agreed to provide a backstop for the private market financing of trade by providing at least $250 billion in short-term trade financing over the next two years.

These programs provide immediate benefits in terms of confidence. They will make it possible for the governments of emerging economies to act more quickly to support growth, to repair their own financial systems, and to avoid the type of dramatic falls in exchange rates that were the feature of financial crises of the late 1990s.

And these programs act as a form of insurance policy for the world economy and, thus, for the U.S. economy.

Limiting Future Crises

As we have moved to put in place this global framework of actions to address the immediate crisis, we have also tried to ensure that we are laying the foundation for a more stable, more balanced and more sustainable recovery.

This requires several things.

First, it requires attention to the composition and quality of growth, within and across nations.

Second, it requires a cooperative effort to lay the foundations for more stable national financial systems--systems less vulnerable to recurrent crises.

And finally, it requires that we commit now to unwind and reverse the extraordinary actions we have been compelled to take to address the crisis, once the risks have receded and a recovery is firmly in place.

We need to keep focused on these broader imperatives so that our actions now lay the foundation for a future with fewer dangerous booms and fewer destructive busts. We must ensure that as our economies recover, growth will be on a firmer foundation, more stable and more sustainable.

Balanced Expansion

A major lesson of the crisis is that the remarkable overall performance of the global economy between 2003 and 2007 contained within it the seeds of its own undoing. Our goal now must be a sustained expansion of our own and the world economy, but that expansion must be better balanced. We must set ourselves on a path so that one country, or group of countries, does not consume in excess while another set of countries produces in excess.

A more balanced recovery and expansion must be one where each nation is more focused on growth that is sustainable and not dependent on the U.S. consumer. It will require a stronger focus on investments and incentives to improve productivity growth. It will require a deep commitment to ensure that the gains of expansions are more broadly shared and that inequality is reduced.

Each of the major economies, including the United States, as well as the largest emerging economies, share a responsibility for achieving this objective. And the IMF has a special responsibility to help us all fulfill our collective obligations by offering independent assessments of our policy efforts, and their impact on a more balanced and sustainable recovery.

Financial Reform

We are collectively committed to reform our 20th century financial regulatory system to match our 21st century financial system.

That means that even as we reform our own financial regulatory systems, we must also reform the global financial regulatory system in tandem. The financial system must perform its task of efficiently allocating capital without promoting excessive risk taking.

We and our G-20 partners have taken an important first step toward these goals by committing to establish and implement much stronger standards for oversight over the financial system in order to limit risk-taking and improve our capacity to prevent and manage future crises. Our aim is to promote a race to the top in global regulatory standards and supervisory practices.

Macroeconomic Stability

We have employed extraordinary fiscal, monetary, and other governmental policies to deal with this crisis. These are temporary and exceptional measures, and they need to be reversed when they have accomplished the immediate objective of generating recovery.

With this in mind, this Administration has presented a budget plan that charts a path to achieving to sustainable deficits in the medium term, so that recovery is not impaired by concerns about excessive borrowing in the future. We are designing our financial programs so that we can reverse them as soon as practical, and avoid the risks that come with sustained government intervention in the financial system. And we must make critical investments in health care, energy and education to lay the groundwork for a more productive economy in the future with the gains more broadly shared.

Conclusion

Our fortunes are now more closely tied to the rest of the world than ever before. Our interests as a nation depend critically on the broader economic health of the world economy.

In the years leading up to the crisis, U.S. exports of goods and services grew in real terms at an annual rate of almost nine percent, nearly triple that of the overall economy. But by the end of last year, our exports were declining at a rate of almost 25 percent per year, the sharpest decline since the end of the Second World War. Our recovery depends in part on reversing this decline. American workers are the most productive in the world but we need the world to provide growing markets for our goods and services.

This is not just an economic imperative. Our Director of National Intelligence, Admiral Dennis Blair, recently testified that the global financial crisis is the greatest near-term threat to this nation’s security. He said: “The longer it takes for the recovery to begin, the greater the likelihood of serious damage to US strategic interests.” When economies decline, credit dries up, people lose their jobs and children are unable to stay in school, hard-won gains for democracy and political stability are threatened.

As I said at the outset, we may not all be in the same boat, but we’re surely in the same storm. The bottom-line lesson of the last 18 months is that we as nations are in this crisis together. Collectively, we are weathering this storm but we must also build a better global system.

Today’s crisis is unlike any we have experienced for seven decades. The balance-of-payments crises of the 1950s and 1960s, the oil crisis of the 1970s, the debt crisis of the 1980s, or the Asian financial crisis of the 1990s all pale by comparison. Those crises were localized and had their winners as well as their losers. As a result, international cooperation was slower to come and less powerful.

In this crisis, by contrast, we have acted together to put in place a strong framework of policies to confront the crisis on a coordinated basis.

The actions now in place and in the pipeline offer the strongest basis for confidence that we will begin to lay the foundation for global recovery.

The rate of decline in global growth and trade has shown some signs of easing. Some measures of spending and output have started to stabilize. Financial conditions are starting to improve modestly. We have started to see some signs of stabilization of declines in output and trade.

These are encouraging signs, but progress is going to take time, and we still face significant risk and challenge. For this reason, it is critically important that we continue to act to strengthen the basis for recovery. We may have to adapt our policies further as conditions evolve, and we need to make sure we provide a scale of support that matches the intensity of the challenge.

The financial world comes together in Washington later this week. This will give us a chance to build on the commitments made by the G-20 in London, and to underscore the commitment of our country to work with other nations to bring the crisis to an end and to put in place a more stable, balanced foundation for growth in the future, not only for the United States but also for the world of which we are a part.

Friday, April 17, 2009

strange irony that Barack Obama and Gordon Brown embrace a Keynesian fiscal stimulus and in its name pour out global largesse to the IMF to distribute

TO BE NOTED: From the Guardian:

"
Wall Street wounded Ghana. IMF tonic could hurt it more

Small but steady growth has been undermined by a banking crisis far away. Now is a test of whether G20 aid will really help

In the leafy shade of the tree at the heart of Mangoase village, 50 women sat fanning themselves with their pass books, feeding babies, waiting their turn. Each approached the table to add the equivalent of a dollar or two to their savings or to pay back a small loan that had launched life-changing businesses. One woman had borrowed to buy fish to smoke and sell on, one had bought beans and cassava to sell by the road side, another was building a small bar, a few breeze blocks at a time. This credit union deals in micro-sums for micro-businesses, but enough to send a child to school, buy a school uniform or exercise books.

In the next village, credit union money was kept in a green tin with three keys held by the women trained to run the accounts. Trust was their true key: these unions never had a loan default. This is banking, but not as Sir Fred Goodwin knows it. The day that Harriet Harman was visiting these women's credit unions, set up by Plan UK, Goldman Sachs bankers were thumbing their nose at the world by paying themselves 33% pay increases, as if their bonus culture had never brought down global banking. Their crash reaches right here, hitting these women too in soaring prices and threatened social cuts.

This is a good place to survey what Wall Street and the City did to the world. Ghana, which has met its millennium goals on children in primary education and cutting poverty, has been an economic and political success story, with high growth. A centre-left government has just taken over after hard-fought but peaceful elections. It is better protected than some, the prices of its gold and cocoa holding up in the recession. Offshore oil will flow in a few years.

But last year world food and oil prices soared. China's slashed demand for raw materials is harming much of Africa. Global warming caused a drought that drained the dam powering Ghana's electricity, requiring crippling oil imports. The last government borrowed to cover these unexpected costs, the currency dropped in value, inflation rose to 20% and credit has dried up. Oxfam economists point out that this was not caused by profligacy, but by external events last year. A further source of bitterness: if rich countries had kept their 2005 Gleneagles promises, as Britain did, Ghana would have received $1bn, with no need to borrow at all.

Where should Ghana turn? To the IMF, of course, now the G20 has swelled its treasury. But there is deep political and public resistance after previous bad experience. Remember how humiliated Britain felt going cap in hand to the fund in 1976. Ghanaians know how World Bank and IMF largesse came with neoliberal quack remedies.

Cutting public services, making the poor poorer, putting cash crops and trade before welfare was the old IMF way. It was the IMF that insisted on meters for Ghana's water supply, demanding full cash recovery for the service, steeply raising costs for the poorest. The World Bank insisted on a private insurance model for Ghana's health service that has been administratively expensive and wasteful. The new government rejects it, promising free healthcare for children. The IMF wants subsidies for electricity removed, again hitting the poorest hardest. A market policy of making individuals pay full cost for vital services instead of general taxation has made the IMF hated; Ghana has now voted for more social democratic solutions. Freedom from the IMF feels like a second freedom from colonialism to many countries.

No wonder the new government hesitates to apply for a loan, even though advisers warn them to hurry while the money lasts: big bids are in already from Mexico, Ukraine and others. Not much of the new cash is earmarked to protect developing countries from the global storm. Most will go to countries, like those of eastern Europe, that are seen as a threat to the global economy, to prevent more bank crises.

"The old Washington consensus is over," Gordon Brown announced at the end of the G20. But that ideological battle is still to be fought out over developing countries' economic policies. Surely what's good for us is good for them? Economists wait to see if the IMF and the World Bank really represent "the new world order". Joseph Stiglitz is not the only one to doubt a transformation in these old free-market tigers. Just watch them at the moment, forcing 40% spending cuts on Latvia and others.

The IMF protests that it has changed: it no longer prescribes or monitors so oppressively, and countries seeking loans can set their own goals. A British cabinet minister was quoted on G20 day as saying that it should be no more stigmatising than "going to a spa to recuperate". Arnold Mcintyre, the IMF's representative in Ghana, insists that it would be entirely up to the government to propose its own measures. This is, to put it politely, disingenuous. Every government knows what it has to do to get credit, so Ghana has already said it will lower its deficit from 15% to 9.5% of GDP in one year, steeply cutting public sector costs. "They can do it through efficiency savings, with no damage to services," says Mr Mcintyre breezily. The government grits its teeth and says it can, and will: IMF economic thought often enters the soul of finance ministers. IMF power makes it the sole credit-rating agency for all other donors and lenders - an IMF thumbs-down means money from everywhere is cut off.

Oxfam's senior policy adviser and economist, Max Lawson, doubts such cuts are needed, just a loan to tide Ghana over. "The IMF is too brutal ... demanding balanced books within one or two years. The only way to make such a deep cut is in social spending: teachers' salaries are the main item." It's a strange irony that Barack Obama and Gordon Brown embrace a Keynesian fiscal stimulus and in its name pour out global largesse to the IMF to distribute. But loan recipients risk a Friedmanite tourniquet, cutting off their economic lifeblood. Will Obama and Brown see how their policy is translated on the ground?

In Mangoase Harriet Harman looked at what can be done with small sums, especially in the hands of women using them for their children. She talked of how social progress is economic progress. Even minute social security payments advance local economies. That green bank box with its three keys is a greater multiplier of real growth than anything RBS or Goldman Sachs did."

IMF explicitly warns that it fears debt deflation - the hallmark, according to US economist Irving Fisher of the Great Depression’s economics

From Alphaville:

"
IMF: “worrisome parallels” with the Great Depression

The IMF has pre-released two chapters from its forthcoming World Economic Outlook.

Chapter 3: From recession to recovery: How soon and how strong?

Chapter 4: How linkages fuel the fire: The transmission of financial stress from advanced to emerging economies

The following excerpts rather put all the recent talk of green shoots into perspective. A few banking swallows do not a spring make. Quite the contrary. The IMF is now explicitly briefing of an economic catastrophe second, if not equal to, the Great Depression of 1929-33.

Emphasis ours.

The global economy is experiencing the deepest downturn in the post–World War II period, as the financial crisis rapidly spreads around the world. A large number of advanced economies have fallen into recession, and economies in the rest of the world have slowed abruptly. Global trade and financial flows are shrinking, while output and employment losses mount. Credit markets remain frozen as borrowers are engaged in a drawn-out deleveraging process and banks struggle to improve their financial health. Many aspects of the current crisis are new and unanticipated. Uniquely, the current disruption combines a financial crisis at the heart of the world’s largest economy with a global downturn.

… recessions associated with financial crises tend to be unusually severe and their recoveries typically slow. Similarly, globally synchronized recessions are often long and deep, and recoveries from these recessions are generally weak. Countercyclical monetary policy can help shorten recessions, but its effectiveness is limited in financial crises. By contrast, expansionary fiscal policy seems particularly effective in shortening recessions associated with financial crises and boosting recoveries. However, its effectiveness is a decreasing function of the level of public debt. These findings suggest the current recession is likely to be unusually long and severe and the recovery sluggish.

In fact, says the IMF, global downturns are typically one and a half times as long as typical recessions.

Most worrying though is the explicit comparison the IMF makes with the Great Depression - something even bearish commentators have skirted around so far for fear of being alarmist. The IMF lays it on the line:

A recession began in the United States in August 1929. A tightening of monetary policy during the previous year, aimed at stemming stock market speculation, is widely seen as the initial cause. The stock market crashed in October 1929, which prompted a sharp decline in consumption, partly because of increased uncertainty about future income.

The recession intensified and turned into a depression over the course of 1931–32. Pernicious feedback loops between the financial sector and the real economy emerged, leading to entrenched debt deflation and four waves of bank runs and failures between 1930 and 1933. Private consumption and investment contracted sharply.

and today:

Despite the differences in mechanics, the effects on the behavior of financial intermediaries are similar. Funding problems have led to balance sheet contraction (deleveraging), fire sales of assets (adding to downward pressure on prices), increased holdings of liquid assets, and decreased lending (or holdings of risky assets) as a share of total assets. Moreover, with today’s highly interconnected financial system, there has been gridlock because of network effects in a world of multiple trading and large gross positions. The ultimate effects of these financial factors on the real economy are similar in the two episodes.

The IMF explicitly warns that it fears debt deflation - the hallmark, according to US economist Irving Fisher of the Great Depression’s economics:

There is continued pressure on asset prices, lending remains constrained by financial sector deleveraging and widespread lack of confidence in financial intermediaries, financial shocks have affected real activity on a global scale , and inflation is decelerating rapidly and is likely to approach values close to zero in a number of countries. Moreover, declining activity is beginning to create feedback effects that affect the solvency of financial intermediaries, which risks of debt deflation have increased.

The IMF is clear: it really is all in the hands of the G20. The right policies will see recovery “in 2011″, the wrong ones… who knows.

I have used Fisher's model for the basis of my own views since the beginning of this crisis. Of his two possible solutions, reflation seems the sensible one, since a Debt-Deflationary Spiral has no natural stopping point. That's why it's terrifying. Arguing that we should let it play itself out is not on from my point of view.Consequently, reflation should have been much stronger than it has been.

Also, Lehman never should have been allowed to fail. Only an implicit or explicit government guarantee can stop a Calling Run, which began this crisis, because only governments have the resources available to credibly backstop the losses. Now, the point of the total guarantee is not to have to actually spend the money, but, rather, to allow the parties involved to more rationally and with with less loss unwind their deals. In this, the guarantees are like FDIC insurance to help stop Bank Runs.

We could have had a much less awful crisis with:
1) Large QE ( Buiter and Friedman's helicopter money )
2) A guaranteed income as our automatic stabilizer ( Friedman and Charles Murray )
3) See Brittan's current post with other suggestions from Friedman that I support ( this addresses the problem of Spender Countries needed to spend more in the short term )
4) In the US, a stimulus of:
a. Infrastructure
b. Sales tax decrease ( notice the recent analysis about the VAT decrease in the UK )
c. Targeted tax cuts for investment
In my opinion, these would have done a better job of getting the kind of behavioral incentives that Shiller correctly wants.
We should have also had a Swedish Plan for Banks, etc., but that was a monster headache to implement. We should also have a massive investigation into fraud, collusion, negligence, and fiduciary mismanagement.
Obviously there were a number of things that we could have done earlier, but I'd rather focus on the here and now.

We should also move towards a system of Narrow/Limited Banking ( Friedman and Fisher ), complemented by a financial sector that is supervised, self-insured, and not government guaranteed, to the extent that anyone actually ever believes that, with a Lender of Last Resort in existence. We should also tax or penalize the size of banks and financial concerns.

Cooperation at the international level would be wise as well, but the US and UK getting right would do a lot to encourage other countries going forward.

Thursday, April 9, 2009

Big conversions by China or another large holder, or even market fears thereof, could trigger a massive run on the dollar.

TO BE NOTED: From the FT:

"
We should listen to Beijing’s currency idea

By Fred Bergsten

Published: April 8 2009 20:12 | Last updated: April 8 2009 20:12

Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of China’s central bank, has suggested creating a “super-sovereign reserve currency” to replace the dollar over the long run. He would sharply enhance the global role of special drawing rights, the inter­national asset created by the Inter­national Monetary Fund in the late 1960s and just given an enormous boost by the decision of the Group of 20 to expand its issuance by $250bn (€189bn, £171bn). These are the first big proposals for international monetary reform from China or indeed any emerging market economy and deserve to be taken seriously for that reason alone.

Several other Asian countries, Brazil and Russia have expressed support for Mr Zhou’s ideas. The US and several other governments, however, have been quick to reject them, reaffirming their confidence in the central global role of the dollar. They apparently fear that serious discussion of this issue could shake confidence in the dollar, driving down its value and prompting a sharp rise in the euro and other currencies. Such instability and consequent rise in global interest rates would severely complicate US, European and global recovery from the crisis.

But there is a more immediate threat to financial stability from the global role of the dollar that could be significantly reduced by pursuing a more limited proposal made by Mr Zhou. The risk is that China and perhaps other monetary authorities, together holding more than $5,000bn in dollar reserves, will lose confidence in the dollar owing to the prospects for huge and sustained budget deficits in the US. Premier Wen Jiabao recently expressed such concerns in a highly unusual public statement, asking for “guarantees” of China’s dollar holdings that recall the British demand for a guarantee in 1971 that triggered the US decision to break the dollar’s link to gold.

These worried dollar holders have refrained from dumping Treasury securities only because the dollar has strengthened over the past year – which is almost certainly a temporary phenomenon – and because of the adverse global repercussions. We ignore at our peril the prospect that they may feel compelled to do so, especially if the US were to provoke the Chinese by taking aggressive trade policy actions against them. Big conversions by China or another large holder, or even market fears thereof, could trigger a massive run on the dollar.

Mr Zhou proposes to alleviate this problem by creating “an open-ended SDR-denominated fund” at the IMF into which dollar balances could be exchanged for SDRs. This is essentially the substitution account idea negotiated in the IMF in the late 1970s and for which detailed blueprints were developed. Similar anxieties about the dollar at that time prompted its sharpest plunge in the postwar period, intensifying the double-digit inflation and soaring interest rates that brought on the deepest US slowdown since the 1930s, until now.

I set out how the idea would work in an article on these pages in December 2007, in which Chinese officials displayed considerable interest. Instead of converting unwanted dollars through the market, official holders would deposit them in a separate IMF account for SDR. Their new asset would be liquid and pay a market rate of return. It would offer the desired diversification as the SDR is denominated in a basket of currencies – 44 per cent dollars, 34 per cent euro and 11 per cent each of yen and sterling.

The substitution account would be a winning proposition for all concerned. The dollar holders would obtain instant diversification. The US would avoid the risk of a free fall of the dollar. Europe would prevent a sharp rise in the euro. The global system would eliminate a potential source of great instability. These benefits call for the use of a global asset to make up any losses to the account from future falls in the dollar, such as creation of additional SDR or the IMF’s gold holdings (including the sizeable US share of them).

The main argument against such an account is that China has accumulated its dollar hoard of more than $1,000bn by keeping its currency substantially undervalued, through massive intervention in the foreign exchange markets, and thus deserves no sympathy if it takes losses on those dollars. One might even suspect that the Chinese have mentally booked such losses as the implicit cost of the subsidy to exports and jobs achieved through their currency manipulation. But there is no sign that China will stop intervening, or that its surpluses will abate, even though the US external deficit has declined sharply, and its reserve build-up is thus likely to become even more threatening.

Moreover, this is an ideal issue for China and the US to develop the informal “G2” partnership that is needed to provide global economic leadership to pass needed reforms at the existing multilateral institutions. Since China advocates currency consolidation, the US could insist that it contribute substantially to the IMF’s new lending facilities as a quid pro quo. The Europeans would have to concur, since the agreement would include a large increase in China’s voting rights at the IMF, where Europe is so heavily over-represented, but China-US agreement would go far to seal the deal.


The writer is director of the Peterson Institute for International Economics. He was assistant secretary of the Treasury for international affairs in 1977-1981 and led the substitution account negotiations for the US in 1980"