Showing posts with label torture and abuse of prisoners. Show all posts
Showing posts with label torture and abuse of prisoners. Show all posts

Sunday, June 7, 2009

I want to focus on what the Comey emails actually demonstrate about what these DOJ torture memos really are

TO BE NOTED:




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What the new Jim Comey torture emails actually reveal

Just as they did with CIA reports on WMDs, Bush officials pressured DOJ lawyers to issue torture-authorizing memos.

Glenn Greenwald

Jun. 07, 2009 |

The New York Times was provided 3 extremely important internal Justice Department emails from April, 2005 (.pdf) -- all written by then-Deputy Attorney General Jim Comey -- which highlight how the Bush administration's torture techniques became legally authorized by Bush lawyers. As Marcy Wheeler documents, the leak to the NYT was clearly from someone eager to defend Bush officials by suggesting that Comey's emails prove that all DOJ lawyers --- even those opposed to torture on policy grounds -- agreed these techniques were legal, and the NYT reporters, Scott Shane and David Johnston, dutifully do the leakers' bidding by misleadingly depicting the Comey emails as vindication for Bush/Cheney (Headline: "U.S. Lawyers Agreed on the Legality of Brutal Tactic"; First Paragraph: "When Justice Department lawyers engaged in a sharp internal debate in 2005 over brutal interrogation techniques, even some who believed that using tough tactics was a serious mistake agreed on a basic point: the methods themselves were legal").

I defy anyone to read Comey's 3 emails and walk away with that conclusion. Marcy has detailed many of the reasons the NYT article is so misleading, so I want to focus on what the Comey emails actually demonstrate about what these DOJ torture memos really are. The primary argument against prosecutions for Bush officials who ordered torture is that DOJ lawyers told the White House that these tactics were legal, and White House officials therefore had the right to rely on those legal opinions. The premise is that White House officials inquired in good faith with the DOJ about what they could and could not do under the law, and only ordered those tactics which the DOJ lawyers told them were legal. As these Comey emails prove, that simply is not what happened.

The DOJ torture-authorizing memos are perfectly analogous to the CIA's pre-war intelligence reports about Iraq's WMDs. Bush officials justify their pre-war statements about WMDs by pointing to the CIA's reports -- as though those reports just magically appeared on their desks from the CIA -- when, as is well documented, Dick Cheney and friends were continuously pressuring and cajoling the CIA to give them those threat reports in order to supply bureaucratic justification for the attack on Iraq. That is exactly how the DOJ torture-authorizing memos came to be: Dick Cheney, David Addington and George Bush himself continuously exerted extreme pressure on DOJ lawyers to produce memos authorizing them to do what they wanted to do -- not because they were interested in knowing in good faith what the law did and did not allow, but because they wanted DOJ memos as cover -- legal immunity -- for the torture they had already ordered and were continuing to order. Though one won't find this in the NYT article, that is, far and away, the most important revelation from the Comey emails.

* * * * *

Just read the Comey emails for yourself -- they're not long -- and you'll see exactly how these DOJ torture memos were actually produced. The key excerpts tell the story as clearly as can be. Comey was vehemently opposed to a draft memo written by Acting OLC Chief Steven Bradbury -- ultimately dated May 10, 2005 (.pdf) -- that legally authorized the simultaneous, combined use of numerous "enhanced interrogation techniques" on detainees. This "combined techniques" memo was crucial because these were the tactics that had already been used on detainees, and -- after the prior OLC memos authorizing those tactics were withdrawn -- the White House was desperate for legal approval for what they had already done and what they wanted to do in the future.

Comey begins by noting that OLC lawyer Patrick Philbin had expressed numerous objections to the Bradbury memo -- all of which were being ignored in the rush to give the White House what it wanted:

Comey then noted that he, too, had "grave reservations" about the DOJ legal opinion:

Does that sound to you like there was unanimity in the DOJ about the legality of these methods?

As a result of his objections, Comey went to Attorney General Alberto Gonazles to urge that the memo not be approved, but Gonzales told him that he was under extreme pressure from Dick Cheney, David Addington, Harriet Miers -- and even Bush himself -- to get these memos issued:

Comey urged Gonzales to stop the approval of the "combined techniques" memo, warning it would "come back to haunt him":

The following day, Comey noted that the loyalty of DOJ lawyers lay with the White House, not with the Justice Department, and they were thus willing to comply with the demands of Cheney and Addington even at the expense of their duties as DOJ lawyers:

Most revealingly, Comey described exactly what was happening with this process: that the White House was demanding and pressuring the issuance of these memos, but that once the torture regime became public -- as Comey warned that it would -- White House officials would defend themselves by heaping the blame on Gonzales and other DOJ lawyers, deceitfully pretending that they were merely following in good faith DOJ advice about what was and was not legal:

Alluding to the extreme pressure that had previously been exerted by the White House on then-AG John Aschroft to legally authorize the illegal NSA spying program (the Ashcroft Hospital Drama), Comey lamented that even the minimal willingness of Ashcroft to defy White House pressure was completely lacking in the Gonzales-led DOJ and OLC -- meaning the White House was able to get legal authorization from the DOJ for whatever it wanted, regardless of whether it was actually legal:

This battle over these torture memos was occurring in preparation for a White House Principals Meeting -- to be attended by key Bush cabinet members -- to decide which interrogation tactics they would authorize. As Comey notes, White House officials knew full well that what they were authorizing and ordering were, in his words, "simply awful" -- as illustrated by the cowardly demand from Condoleezza Rice that the tactics they were to approve not be discussed in any detail at the meeting (click to enlarge):

Comey notes that there was a videotape of at least one of the interrogation sessions that would ensure that the full brutality of what they authorized would come to light -- but those videotapes, of course, were destroyed by the CIA in an act which even the 9/11 Commission co-Chairmen called "obstruction of justice."

Ultimately, Comey's pleas that Gonzales block approval of these tactics were ignored. Despite Gonzales' conveying Comey's arguments about how history would judge what they were doing, the White House Principals -- yet again -- approved all of the torture tactics in those memos:

* * * * *

It's worth noting that all of the officials involved in these events -- including Comey -- are right-wing ideologues appointed by George Bush. That's why they were appointed. The fact that Comey was willing to go along with approval of these tactics when used individually -- just as is true of his willingness to endorse a modified version of Bush's NSA warrantless eavesdropping program in the face of FISA -- hardly proves that there was a good-faith basis for the view that these individual tactics were legal.

But the real story here is obvious -- these DOJ memos authorizing torture were anything but the by-product of independent, good faith legal analysis. Instead, those memos -- just like the pre-war CIA reports about The Threat of Saddam -- were coerced by White House officials eager for bureaucratic cover for what they had already ordered. This was done precisely so that once this all became public, they could point to those memos and have the political and media establishment excuse what they did ("Oh, they only did what they DOJ told them was legal"'/"Oh, they were only reacting to CIA warnings about Saddam's weapons"). These DOJ memos, like the CIA reports, were all engineered by the White House to give cover to what they wanted to do; they were not the precipitating events that led to and justified those decisions. That is the critical point proven by the Comey emails, and it is completely obscured by the NYT article, which instead trumpets the opposite point ("Unanimity at DOJ that these tactics were legal") because that's the story their leaking sources wanted them to promote.

What's most ironic about what the NYT did here is that on the very same day this article appears, there is a column from the NYT Public Editor, Clark Hoyt, excoriating the paper for having published a deeply misleading front page story by Elizabeth Bumiller, that claimed that 1 out of 7 Guantanamo detainees returned to "jihad" once they are released. That happened because Bumiller followed the most common method of modern establishment reporting: she mindlessly repeated what her government sources told her to say. As Hoyt put it:

But the article on which he based that statement was seriously flawed and greatly overplayed. It demonstrated again the dangers when editors run with exclusive leaked material in politically charged circumstances and fail to push back skeptically. The lapse is especially unfortunate at The Times, given its history in covering the run-up to the Iraq war.

That is exactly what Shane and Johnston did with these Comey emails. Just as Bumiller did, they included some contrary facts buried deep in the article about Comey's objections, but the headline and the way the entire article was framed will create the impression -- as intended -- that there was unanimity among DOJ lawyers regarding the legality of the Bush interrogation program. Other journalists, too slothful to read the Comey emails themselves, will get the message and go forth and repeat it, and it will soon be conventional wisdom that "everyone" at the DOJ agreed these torture techniques were legal. Already this morning, here is George Stephanopolous' Twitter reaction to the NYT story:

Any rational and minimally well-informed person who actually read the Comey emails would walk away with the exact opposite point -- what is "stunning" was how extreme was the pressure from the White House to issue these memos and how compliant DOJ lawyers were to White House dictates. But that's how our media works: anonymous government officials tell them what to say; they write it down uncritically; and it then becomes conventional wisdom regardless of how false it is.

-- Glenn Greenwald"

Sunday, May 24, 2009

Preserving our freedom, as set out in the Bill of Rights, is.

From Willem Buiter:

"Obushma-Biney in the Home of the Frightened
May 23, 2009 7:22pm

The spinelessness and moral cowardice of the Obama administration know no bounds. The Bush-Cheney team ordered the torture and abuse of prisoners in Guantánamo Bay Naval Base and assorted other locations abroad - offshore detention without trial as well as torture by US officials or persons acting under their instructions being permitted by Article VIII of the United States Constitution, as confirmed in the XXVIIIth Amendment to the US Constitution.

Candidate Obama declares he abhors torture and deplores what went on in Gitmo and in secret detention centres around the world, but President Obama decides that the Camp may have to remain open for another year, as he doesn’t seem to know what to do with the prisoners. The right thing to do would have been to send a plane to Guantánamo Bay Naval Base on the day of his inauguration, to move all the prisoners to the USA.

President Obama then also decides not to prosecute those who committed the crimes of torture or abuse of prisoners or were responsible for these crimes. The president’s excuse was was that he sought to turn the page on “a dark and painful chapter”. It was a “time for reflection, not for retribution”, he said.

He is quite wrong. Reflection complements the law. It is not a substitute for it. Those who can be charged with these offences should be tried and, if found guilty, punished according to the law. If among the guilty parties are CIA agents and former vice-president Dick Cheney, then so be it. If you cannot do the time, you should not do the crime. This is not vengeance, it is justice - and it is the law. Justice must be done and must be seen to be done before healing and reconciliation can start.

Then the Senate, controlled by the Democrats, voted 90-6 against closing Guantánamo. The US Senate, reflecting, regrettably, the majority view of the American people, did not want the prisoners to be moved to the US. As there appear to be fewer than 10 righteous people in the Senate (unless the four missing votes would all have been cast in favour of closing Gitmo), I hope the Lord is kinder to the US Senate than He was to Sodom and Gomorrah.

Harry Reid, the majority leader in the Senate, explained he did not want these terrorists released in the US. That, of course, was not even on the cards under what Obama had in mind. President Obama has said: “There may be a number of people who cannot be prosecuted for past crimes, in some cases because evidence may be tainted, but who nonetheless pose a threat to the security of the United States….Let me repeat: I am not going to release individuals who endanger the American people.” He then went on to defend his proposal for closing Gitmo and moving the prisoners to the US with the argument that no-one had ever escaped from the maximum security prisons that the Gitmo detainees would be sent to. How warped can you get?

The right and legal thing to do would be to take all the prisoners to the US, charge those who can be charged and release those who cannot be charged. Those who can be sent back to their countries of origin without endangering their safety can be sent back. The rest should be allowed to stay in the US (the principle in question is: ‘you break it, you own it’). Those charged then should be tried in a proper US court, not one of the kangaroo quasi-military tribunals created by Bush and Cheney. If convicted, they should serve their time, or pay with their lives, as the case may be. If acquitted they should be released. That is the rule of law. It is also the right and moral thing to do.

With Bush and Cheney, one often had the sense that they did not know what was wrong and what was right. Obama clearly knows the difference, but knowingly chooses the wrong option: video meliora proboque, deteriora sequor. The physical safety and security of the American people should not be the first and overriding concern of the US president. Preserving our freedom, as set out in the Bill of Rights, is. Hundreds of thousands have died to preserve that liberty. During World War II alone more than 400,000 Americans gave their lives in the cause of freedom.

To Patrick Henry is attributed the famous saying: “Give me Liberty, or give me Death”. The moral midgets and yellow-bellies in the US Senate and White House today would have said instead: “Give me security and comfort or I will curl up in a ball and refuse to vote for you again”.

What accounts for this transformation of the US polity into a collection of Angsthasen?

I was in the US shortly before 9/11 and shortly afterwards. The transformation in the public psyche was astonishing. Not just in New York and Washington DC, but everywhere I went, people were traumatised and visibly and audibly afraid. Both reason and principles went out of the window. It is true that this was the first serious ‘external’ attack on the US mainland since the War of 1812. There has been extremely bloody conflict since then, but all of it internal, including the Civil War and the routine fire-arms-related private violence which claims currently around 15,000 lives each year (not counting a somewhat larger number of fire-arms-related suicides).

September 11, 2001 is more than seven and a half years in the past, but the US polity and public appear no less traumatised by it today than they were in the immediate aftermath of the outrages. A very primal mood of insecurity and fear continues to afflict most of the nation and its politicians.

Fear is a poor guide to policy. It caused the US to launch an unnecessary second war against Iraq and it led its leaders to compromise the most important principles on which the country was founded. The fear-induced response of the US authorities to the murderous outrages perpetrated by Al-Queda has turned out to be a much more serious threat to what is best about the US than Al-Queda itself. Bush, Cheney and now also Obama and Reid represent a greater threat to my liberty and fundamental rights as a citizen and a human being than Osama bin Laden and his mindless murderers.

The US president and the majority leader in the US Senate have torn up the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, supposedly in the interest of the nation’s security and to preserve the safety of its people. I hope the blind fear that has de-activated the moral antennae of the American people will subside to the point that a majority will join me in loudly and clearly telling the country’s leadership that its depredations against the Constitution and the Bill of Rights are not in our name."

Me:

“Whoever has succumbed to torture can no longer feel at home in the world. The shame of destruction cannot be erased. Trust in the world, which already collapsed in part at the first blow, but in the end, under torture, fully, will not be regained. That one’s fellow man was experienced as the antiman remains in the tortured person as accumulated horror. It blocks the view into a world in which the principle of hope rules. One who was martyred is a defenseless prisoner of fear. It is fear that henceforth reigns over him.” —Jean Amery

From the best book on the Holocaust, "At The Mind's Limits: Contemplations by a Survivor on Auschwitz and Its Realities". He later wrote:

"I do not have [clarity] today, and I hope that I never will. Clarification would amount to disposal, settlement of the case, which can then be placed in the files of history. My book is meant to prevent precisely this. For nothing is resolved, nothing is settled, no remembering has become mere memory" Posted by: Don the libertarian Democrat