Showing posts with label Gaussian Copula. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Gaussian Copula. Show all posts

Thursday, June 4, 2009

The optimist in Wilmott thinks that people realize these models don't work. But he's not really an optimist.

TO BE NOTED: From Newsweek Via Marginal Revolution:

Paul Wilmott is out to save Wall Street's soul—one dork at a time.

Matthew Philips
NEWSWEEK
From the magazine issue dated Jun 8, 2009

Jude Edginton / Redux for Newsweek

Imagine an aeronautics engineer designing a state-of-the-art jumbo jet. In order for it to fly, the engineer has to rely on the same aerodynamics equation devised by physicists 150 years ago, which is based on Newton's second law of motion: force equals mass times acceleration. Problem is, the engineer can't reconcile his elegant design with the equation. The plane has too much mass and not enough force. But rather than tweak the design to fit the equation, imagine if the engineer does the opposite, and tweaks the equation to fit the design. The plane still looks awesome, and on paper, it flies. The engineer gets paid, the plane gets built, and soon thousands just like it are packed full of people and sent out onto runways. They fly for a while, but eventually, because of that fatal tweak, they all end up crashing.

In a way, this is what's happened in quantitative finance. The planes are the complex derivatives—like collateralized debt obligations—that now lie smoldering on the balance sheets of banks. The engineers are the "quants": those math and science Ph.D.s who flocked to Wall Street over the past decade and used mathematical models to build these new investment products. These are the people Warren Buffett was talking about when he said, "Beware of geeks bearing formulas" in his letter to shareholders this year. The quants aren't entirely to blame for the financial meltdown; there's plenty of guilt to be shared by regulators, top executives and the investors who bought the instruments the quants created. Yet while aeronautical engineers who willfully designed a faulty plane might be on trial for criminal negligence, Wall Street's math gurus are, for the most part, still employed. Strangely, the banks need quants more than ever right now. If anyone's going to figure out how to price these toxic assets, it's them. Quantitative finance isn't going away, but it is in desperate need of reform. And one man—a math geek himself—thinks he knows where to start.

Paul Wilmott is a 49-year-old Oxford-trained mathematician and arguably the most influential quant today, the brightest star in their insular, nerdy universe. The Financial Times calls him a "cult derivatives lecturer." Nassim Taleb, the mathematician and author of the bestseller The Black Swan, calls him the smartest quant in the world. "He's the only one who truly understands what's going on ... the only quant who uses his own head and has any sense of ethics," says Taleb. Wilmott stands atop a veritable quant empire. His wonk-made-simple textbooks sell for hundreds of dollars. A subscription to his bimonthly magazine, Wilmott, costs $695 a year. His Web site, Wilmott.com, is the nerve center of the quant community, with 65,000 registered users and a chat forum that buzzes over such topics as geodesic stochastic manifolds and swaption vol arbitrage.

Over the past decade, and increasingly since the crash, Wilmott has cultivated a loyal following of truth-seeking converts from the failed school of thought that the entire world can be turned into Greek symbols, plugged into equations, priced and predicted. He's especially critical of the notion that math can forecast human behavior, essentially the basis of finance. "This," says Wilmott, "is absolute rubbish." To rectify the situation, he's started his own training program, the Certificate in Quantitative Finance, or CQF. It's the gem of his empire, the key, he hopes, to saving the quants from themselves, not to mention all of us from their future destruction. In essence, the course is rehab for quants, a six-month, $18,000 program designed to break them of the abstract, theoretical approach to finance they learned in their Ph.D. or financial-engineering programs, and replace it with a more practical set of skills that are actually used on Wall Street. "What banks really need are quants who can translate theoretical math and tell them how it applies," says Wilmott. "Because what good is being fluent in geek if you can't apply it? You might as well stay in university."

Ever since Ed Thorp, the first true quant, left his job teaching math at UC Irvine to start a hedge fund in the 1970s, math and science types have been setting out from academia to try their hand at finance. The watershed came in the mid-1970s when MIT-trained economist Robert Merton along with Myron Scholes, a University of Chicago economist, and Fischer Black of Harvard developed the Black-Scholes equation for pricing options, which eventually garnered a Nobel Prize. Over the past 20 years, quantitative methods gradually spread into commercial and investment banks, fueling a huge demand for math savants. Since the mid-1990s, dozens of master's-degree programs in financial engineering have sprouted up at top universities. (The highest-rated ones are at Carnegie Mellon, Columbia, Stanford and Princeton.) Along with physics Ph.D. programs, these are the primary breeding grounds for the many thousands of quants who have found their way to Wall Street. It's these programs that Wilmott has taken direct aim at with his CQF. "I'm building a new army of quants," he says. His ranks currently stand at 1,273: the number of CQF alumni who have graduated since the program was founded in 2003. Wilmott realizes he's vastly outnumbered, but he's undaunted. "Ever see the movie Zulu?" he asks, referring to the 1964 Michael Caine film about a battalion of 140 British soldiers besieged by 4,000 African warriors in 1879. The Brits won, mostly because they were better-trained and -equipped, just as Wilmott wants his graduates to be.

The CQF is taught at night in London's financial district by Wilmott and a handful of his buddies, most of whom have worked in finance. These instructors are miles away from the stereotypical math or finance professors. Among them is Espen Haug, a Norwegian former JPMorgan options trader who looks like a cross between James Bond and Arnold Schwarzenegger, and often lectures in sunglasses and a tuxedo. One evening this spring, Wilmott is wrapping up the final class on interest rates and fixed income. He stands at a podium, looking out at about 30 students, most of whom have just gotten off work from their jobs at banks: Citigroup, Deutsche Bank, Credit Suisse. Another 100 or so watch the lecture streaming over the Internet. The official topic of the evening is how to decompose the random movements of the forward rate curve into its principal components—i.e., how to predict random fluctuations in interest rates in order to determine bond prices. "There's nothing difficult here," Wilmott says without irony. "If you can keep your head, you'll be fine."

He's just scribbled a handful of equations on a whiteboard, including one called the Heath-Jarrow-Morton model. Developed in the late 1980s, the formula looks horrifically complicated to the layman. But to a mathematician it's elegant, simple—and dangerous. Behind its simplicity lie hidden mistakes, unobservable variables like volatility and correlation that can provide a false sense of security. "With models, you want to see where things go wrong," says Wilmott. "You want to see the dirt. But HJM is actually just a big rug for [mistakes] to be swept under." For the next half hour, Wilmott deconstructs the thing, cautioning students on overreliance. "In the end, we should all like models that wear their faults on their sleeves," he tells the class.

Two hours later, Wilmott is treating his students to beers at a nearby pub. Among them are half a dozen fresh-faced Citigroup employees, all in their mid-20s, all recent physics or engineering Ph.D. graduates, and all being sponsored by Citigroup to take the CQF. (Banks have only recently started sponsoring students to take Wilmott's classes, a tacit acknowledgment that quants need more holistic training.) "There's an arms race going on in quantitative finance," says one of the students. "The CQF gives us another weapon in our arsenal."

On a typical April weekday, Wilmott spends the morning in his office, a small, gray room that's completely nondescript save for the giant blackboard filled with mathematical notation. There he goes over the final touches of an options formula he's getting ready to publish with a former student. He then takes the tube across town to London's posh Grosvenor Square to meet with three former investment bankers who want to hire him as a quant on call for their consultancy startup. They pitch Wilmott while sitting in the modern dining room of Gordon Ramsay's Maze Grill restaurant. Wilmott tells them he'll think about it, then sets off down Oxford Street, a stretch of shops that's swarming with tourists.

Picking his way through, on and off his cell phone, Wilmott talks about the contradictions in his life: he's a car enthusiast who hates to drive; he goes on Swiss ski trips but doesn't ski. Though he's nearly 50, he could pass for 30-something, especially when dressed in skinny jeans, black Chuck Taylors, Gucci eyeglasses and a retro zip-up cardigan. This is his outfit of choice so long as he's not giving a speech somewhere, in which case he might change his shoes and throw on a jacket.

Born in Birkenhead, a small town outside Liverpool, Wilmott studied applied math at Oxford. In his spare time, he dabbled in juggling and competitive ballroom dancing. After earning a Ph.D. in fluid mechanics from Oxford in 1985, he got his start as an applied mathematician, working on jet-engine turbines for Rolls-Royce and calculating detonation sites for an explosives company. In the late 1980s, he started applying math to finance. His first burst of fame came in 1993 when he co-wrote a textbook on derivatives. Soon he'd made a name for himself as a contrarian guru, writing more textbooks, and giving speeches around the world to rooms full of bankers. From 2001 to 2005 he ran a $170 million hedge fund that returned an average of 15 percent a year.

Back on Oxford Street, Wilmott walks by several tube stops, deep in conversation on the topic that gets him most agitated these days: structured credit, the area of finance most at fault in the crash, and where quants inflicted the most damage by applying mathematical models they swore could predict default rates. "A complete lapse of ethics and responsibility," he calls it.

A collateralized debt obligation (CDO) is the most common form of structured credit. Banks build CDOs by putting together a bunch of loans, slicing them into little pieces (tranches) and selling them off to investors. Think of it as disassembling a cow into different cuts of meat—from prime steaks to ground beef—that are priced according to their quality. The first CDO was issued in 1987 by Drexel Burnham Lambert, the same firm that went bust in 1990. After the fall of Drexel, CDOs went away for a while, until the quants came along. In 2000, the CDO market was jump-started by David X. Li, who, while working at JPMorgan, created the Gaussian copula function, a formula for determining the correlation between the default rates of different securities. In theory, the model tells you the odds that, if one CDO goes bad, others will too. The apparent genius of the Gaussian copula is its abstraction. Rather than relying on the immense amount of data used to figure the odds that a CDO might default, Li appeared to have discovered a law of correlation. That is, you didn't need the data; the correlation was just there. Armed with it, quants could price CDOs much faster, and traders could buy and sell them at record speeds. Gaussian was rocket fuel for the CDO market. The global volume of CDO deals went from $157 billion in 2004 to $520 billion in 2006. As more banks got in on the game, the once large profit margins started to shrink. In order for banks to make the same kind of returns, they had to pack more and more loans into a CDO, essentially making bigger bombs. Li was on his way to a Nobel Prize when the world blew up. Wilmott marvels at the carelessness of it all. "They built these things on false assumptions without testing them, and stuffed them full of trillions of dollars. How could anyone have thought that was a good idea?"

To Wilmott, Gaussian is an example of how dangerously abstract quant finance has become. "We need to get back to testing models rather than revering them," he says. "That's hard work, but this idea that there are these great principles governing finance and that correlations can just be plucked out of the air is totally false." Wilmott spends a lot of time with another former student trying to tackle the biggest problem facing quant finance right now: how to price all those CDOs sitting on the balance sheets of banks, the toxic assets we hear so much about. "We don't have the tools yet to truly price them," Wilmott says. "People thought we did, but they were nowhere near robust enough."

The optimist in Wilmott thinks that people realize these models don't work. But he's not really an optimist. "What I think is going to happen is that people will forget and we'll just keep going on the way we have been with nothing really changing," he says. Wilmott is encouraged by President Obama's proposals to tighten regulation of derivatives; he thinks it'll keep quants on a shorter leash. But he's also stunned by the lack of outrage over the financial mess. The violence that erupted at this year's G20 summit wasn't anywhere near what he thought it should've been. "Where the hell was everybody? If people aren't angry now, they'll never be."

Wilmott realizes he's fighting a losing battle, and that changing finance will take a lot more than a few thousand better-prepared quants. As long as banks get paid in the first year for selling a CDO that doesn't mature for 30 years, little will change. Still, he does sense a tidal shift. "I've been helped by recent events, but I don't really take solace in that. I'm not gonna say I told you so."

For now, Wilmott will go about the hard work of retraining his merry band of quant soldiers, hoping his attempts at remedial education can help minimize the odds of a future derivatives-fueled melt-down. Waiting for traffic in the shadow of St. Paul's Cathedral, having walked the three miles from Grosvenor Square, Wilmott realizes he's late for the CQF class. "My God, I'm lecturing in 10 minutes!" For investors who hope to be protected from these "financial weapons of mass destruction," it's not a moment too soon.

URL: http://www.newsweek.com/id/200015"

Friday, May 8, 2009

big pot of capital yearning to be invested in the oxymoron high-return, low-risk credit instruments

TO BE NOTED:

Forbes.com


Crankonomics
Formula From Hell
Susan Lee, 05.08.09, 12:01 AM ET

Every crisis has its evildoers. And the list associated with the current financial crisis is long, ranging from the famous Alan Greenspan to the merely infamous Richard Fuld.

But now the list has gown again with the addition of something called the Gaussian copula. At first, this evildoer excited scorn only on finance blogs, but lately it's making appearances in the mainstream financial media.

So what, exactly, is this evildoer?

The short answer: It's the formula used to figure out the risk in a pool of debts, like a mortgage-backed security. Or, to put the matter in the negative: It puts a number value on the danger that the mortgages could default at the same time. (Gaussian refers to a normal distribution, or bell curve, and copula refers to the behavior of more than one variable.)

The Gaussian copula function is a standard statistical technique. But in 2000, a numbers guy at JPMorgan Chase tricked it out as a quick and dirty way to quantify risk in very complex financial instruments. And, since the blame game is more delicious when personalized, that man was David X. Li, who came to the U.S. from China after earning a Ph.D in statistics in Canada.

Mr. Li's copula function rummages around in a lot of individual debt securities and then pops out one number that gives the probability of the securities all going bad at once. If the default correlation among the securities is low (meaning they aren't dependent, or related, to one another) then a low number pops out which means, presumably, the pool carries a low risk.

Sounds good, eh? But, even better, Mr. Li discovered a clever way to come up with the default correlation. The usual practice to determine default probability was to engage in a mind-numbing gathering of historical data on actual defaults. But Mr. Li cut that corner by using prices for credit default swaps as a proxy for the actual data.

At any rate, Mr. Li's copula was a moment waiting to happen. It was embraced ardently by investors, banks and ratings agencies like Moody's and Standard and Poor's. It was even enshrined in the regulatory framework for Basel II to determine capital requirements for banks with structured credit on their books.

And Mr. Li's copula was as fertile as it was popular. It ballooned a family of credit instruments like collaterized debt obligations and collaterized loan obligations which, in turn, gave birth to really fancy derivatives like collaterized debt obligations squared--or CDOs that invested in other CDOs.

So, eventually, several trillion dollars were invested in these things. And why not? The risks were known and therefore under control.

Well, as we now know, the risks weren't known and were, in fact, totally out of control. As soon as prices in the housing market started to swoon and defaults began to pile up, default correlations shot for the moon. What were once low numbers became fatally high, triggering a chain reaction in exploded paper. It was clear by 2008 that Mr. Li's copula was a joke. Hence the torrent of abuse and its status as evildoer.

Some criticisms of the copula are misguided, however. Please take, for example, the claim that the fault lay in the substitution of swap prices for actual data. The entire historical record for credit default swaps only goes back to the 1990s. And, sure, since that was a decade of rising home prices and low defaults, swap prices were uniformly and misleadingly low. But even if actual mortgage defaults had been used, it's not clear the result would have been different.

The post-war housing market was a steady grower--the only busts were occasional regional ones. Thus, in the absence of a boom-bust cycle, determining whether or not defaults were correlated would have been a mug's game in any case.

Another criticism--and one that Mr. Li acknowledged--was the assumption that correlations were constant, not changeable. This is, of course, a hilariously and obviously silly assumption. In the financial world, relationships between, and among, assets are extremely fluid. Abiding by one number is akin to spotting a fish in a swiftly moving stream and going back an hour later to catch it.

There were, in fact, many doubts about the value of the copula. But they were mostly ignored because it provided a handy bridge to connect bankers with a big pot of capital yearning to be invested in the oxymoron high-return, low-risk credit instruments. As Lisa Hess, a New York money manager, says: "The problem with copula investing was a lack of common sense, not the lack of statistical integrity."

Two weeks ago, Allison Schrager, who blogs for The Economist, bravely offered a defense of the copula. Essentially, the argument described it as imperfect but useful: A statistical convenience that reduced a complex relationship into something approximate, yet could provide guidance about risk and return under certain circumstances.

Even this rather mild and intelligent defense provoked a storm of comments--less than half of which were supportive. (Apparently once something appears on the list of evildoers, people don't tolerate much ambiguity.)

As for Mr. Li, he left Wall Street two years ago. In fact, he left the country. He's now back in China working for the China International Capital Corporation Limited. But he's still in business, so to speak. The CICC, according to its Web site, is a full-service investment bank.

Susan Lee has written several books on economics, including a college text. She is an economics commentator for NPR's "Marketplace" and a weekly columnist for Forbes.com."

Thursday, April 30, 2009

But I will never understand why banks held these assets on their balance sheets

From Free Exchange:

"Further thoughts on copulas
Posted by:
Economist.com | NEW YORK
Categories:
Financial markets

OUR RECENT post on the Gaussian copula generated many outstanding comments. Commenter chaintzean offers a defence of the proposition that quants did not appreciate the limitations of their models:

Working as a quant in credit I hear a lot of this "don't blame the formula, blame the people who trusted it wrongfully" argument. I think it's beside the point. The astonishing growth of structured credit was not a consequence of the appearance of quotes based on an oversimplifying formula; it merely facilitated the fulfillment of a growing financial need.

A better statement would go along the line that the gaussian copula was not strong enough a model to prevent a crisis that was already in the making, just like the "pre-smile" option pricing of the 80s cannot itself (or its wrongful use) be held responsible (in a causal sense) for the Black Monday.

The world today is neither much smaller nor less complex than it was before the crisis. While the pricing method will evolve in order to account for the weaknesses of the previous approach, structured credit is bound to come back, in the long run, to levels close to where it was before the crisis; the financial need is still there.

It's a sentiment I've heard from other quants. The argument faults the insatiable demand for the holy grail in investment: predictable, high returns hedged from any downside. It cites the appalling management and cultural divide that exists in many banks. The business side demanded products that could deliver. The quants were charged with creating these perfectly hedged vehicles. Management accepted the products and their stamp of approval from rating agencies. Banks and investors made lots of money and demanded more of the same. There's just one problem: The existing models (and technology) cannot, and perhaps never will, provide a high return and low risk under all circumstances.

You might argue that this only shows these models are dangerous because they promise something they cannot deliver. But that misses the point. They can deliver lower-risk investment at higher returns when used properly. Financial models provide invaluable guidance and information about market risk. But proper use involves accepting a model's limitations and tempering them with good business sense.

I've built financial models under a variety of different management styles. The better managers (who often lacked quantitative skills) asked about the assumptions I made and forced me to explain, in simple terms, what my model did. It was often a painful process, but in retrospect it improved my modeling skills. If some managers at financial firms accepted models blindly, without performing the necessary diligence, then they did not do their job. It does not reflect an innate failure of the model.

To be fair, if such managers did their jobs properly it may have meant putting the breaks on building and selling these products. Chaintzean points this out in another comment:

[F]or a number of structured products the financial need is somehow driven by considerations other than profit or value. For instance, buyers of super-senior protection are sometimes forced into buying for regulatory purpose, almost "at any cost", one might say.

If buyers demand these products at any price, banks are unlikely to eschew them. But I will never understand why banks held these assets on their balance sheets. Surely someone must have known there is no such thing as a high-return-zero-risk investment. If something seems to good to be true, it probably is.

The other comments are great too, I recommend reading the full thread. "

Me:

Don the libertarian Democrat wrote:

April 30, 2009 17:34

I think that the problem has to do with the name. Here's Gauss:

"Johann Carl Friedrich Gauss (IPA: /ˈ?aʊs/, De-carlfriedrichgauss.ogg Audio (help·info), German: Gauß, Latin: Carolus Fridericus Gauss) (30 April 1777 – 23 February 1855) was a German mathematician and scientist who contributed significantly to many fields, including number theory, statistics, analysis, differential geometry, geodesy, electrostatics, astronomy and optics. Sometimes known as the Princeps mathematicorum[1] (Latin, "the Prince of Mathematicians" or "the foremost of mathematicians") and "greatest mathematician since antiquity", Gauss had a remarkable influence in many fields of mathematics and science and is ranked as one of history's most influential mathematicians.[2] He referred to mathematics as "the queen of sciences."[3]

Gauss was a child prodigy. There are many anecdotes pertaining to his precocity while a toddler, and he made his first ground-breaking mathematical discoveries while still a teenager. He completed Disquisitiones Arithmeticae, his magnum opus, in 1798 at the age of 21, though it would not be published until 1801. This work was fundamental in consolidating number theory as a discipline and has shaped the field to the present day."

So, he was a great mathematician, and he's been dead for a while. I wonder how he feels having this copula named after him. I just took a look at this paper:

On Default Correlation: A Copula Function Approach
David X. Li

http://www.defaultrisk.com/_pdf6j4/On%20Default%20Correlation-%20A%20Cop...

I can't find Gauss mentioned at all. So, what if it had been call David Li's Copula, or Mario's Copula, or, better yet, Ponzi's Copula. Let's say that it's the exact same copula. Would people have found it as trustworthy? I rather doubt it.

By the way, here are a few quotes from that paper:

"Surprising though it may seem, the default correlation has not been well
defined and understood in finance."

Count me as not surprised.

"However the choice of a specific period like one year is more or less arbitrary"

I love the precision of math.

"The probability of dying within one year for a
person aged 50 years today is about 0.6%, but the probability of dying for the same person within 50 years is
almost a sure event. Similarly default correlation is a time dependent quantity"

Put it like that, and we might want to call it the Grim Reaper's Copula. Any takers?

"Also there are strong links between the economic cycle and defaults."

Sorry chaps, no excuses after reading that.

"1A company who is observed, default free, by Moody’s for 5-years and then withdrawn from the Moody’s study must have
a survival time exceeding 5 years. Another company may enter into Moody’s study in the middle of a year, which implies that
Moody’s observes the company for only half of the one year observation period. In the survival analysis of statistics, such incomplete
observation of default time is called censoring. According to Moody’s studies, such incomplete observation does occur in Moody’s
credit default samples."

Good work Moody's.

"Let us consider an existing security A. This security’s time-until-default, TA, is a continuous random variable
which measures the length of time from today to the time when default occurs. For simplicity we just use T
which should be understood as the time-until-default for a specific securityA"

See how easy it is?

"The function S(t) is called the survival function"

I wonder if this phrase was used in the marketing?

"Rating agencies reacts much slower than the market in anticipation of future credit quality. A typical
example is the rating agencies reaction to the recent Asian crisis.
• Ratings are primarily used to calculate default frequency instead of default severity. However, much
of credit derivative value depends on both default frequency and severity."

Now you tell us.

"Frank Copula The Frank copula function is defined as"

Well, there goes my thesis. Anyway, the paper is interesting and not that hard to follow, even for the mathematically inept like me. Give it a read.

Monday, April 27, 2009

The program effectively rolls the dice more than 100,000 times by running the information randomly

TO BE NOTED: From Alphaville:

"
Gambling on Monte Carlo simulations

A mathematical model developed by physicists working on the atomic bomb in the 1940s and named after a gambling hub, is probably a fitting one for the US government to adopt in its banking stress tests.

While Friday’s release of the methodology for the tests contained little new on the loan loss assumptions of the exercise (the assumptions about GDP, unemployment and house prices had already been published) there was this bit from the paper:

Analysis of [commercial and industrial] loan loss projections was based on the distribution of exposures by industry and by internal rating provided by the firms. In many cases, these ratings were mapped to default probabilities by the firm; in other cases, this association was established by supervisory analysts. This information was confirmed and supplemented by external measures of risk, such as expected default frequencies from third party vendors. Supervisors evaluated firm loss estimates using a Monte Carlo simulation that projected a distribution of losses by examining otential dispersion around central probabilities of default. The approach produced a consistently‐prepared set of loss estimations across all the BHCs by combining firm‐specific exposure and rating information with standardized assumptions of the performance of similar exposures. The results of this analysis were compared to the firms’ submissions and adjustments made to ensure consistency across BHCs.

Monte Carlo simulations are pretty standard things in finance. They’re used to value not just potential loan losses but also portfolio risk and derivatives.

While there’s no single Monte Carlo method they tend to work like this: Define a domain of possible inputs, generate inputs randomly from the domain, apply some algorithms, then aggregate the results. In playground terms, you can imagine it as a game of battleship. First a player makes some random shots on their opponent’s board. Then they apply the maths (in this case, a battleship is a vertical or horizontal line of four or five dots) and then determine the likely locations of their opponent’s ships.

The good thing about Monte Carlo simulations is that they do well modelling things with lots of uncertainty and complexity in inputs. However, as the above should have suggested, they’re very much limited by their range of actual inputs. This snippet, from a May 2007 Bloomberg article on CDOs and subprime is a perfect illustration.

Because there are so many moving parts to a CDO, rating companies have to assess not only the chance that something may go wrong with one piece but also the possibility that multiple combinations of things could falter. To do that, S&P, Moody’s and Fitch use a mathematical technique called Monte Carlo simulation, named after the Mediterranean gambling city.

The rating companies take all the data they have on a CDO, such as information about specific bonds and securitizations and the remaining types of loans to be purchased for the package.

The firm enters data into a software program, which calculates the probability that a CDO’s assets will default in hypothetical situations of financial and commercial stress. The program effectively rolls the dice more than 100,000 times by running the information randomly.

If the inputs and assumptions are wrong then the Monte Carlo simulations will be of very little use. In that sense they’re very similar to the magic worked by David Li’s Gaussian Copula. They give a false sense of security.

And that’s precisely, some might argue, what the US government is going for with its bank stress tests anyway.

Related links:
Of couples and copulas - Sam Jones, FT
Dual stance on valuing bank securities - FT

Saturday, April 25, 2009

“We have a saying in statistics, ‘All ­models are wrong, but some are useful.’”

TO BE NOTED: From the FT:

"
Of couples and copulas

By Sam Jones

Published: April 24 2009 22:04 | Last updated: April 24 2009 22:04

Johnny Cash and June Carter met backstage at the Grand Ole Opry. It was a little like a country song: he was married, she recently divorced, and an affair ensued; both singers had young children, and Cash would have three more with his first wife before she left him in 1966, citing his drinking and carousing. Two years later, he proposed to Carter on stage and, despite having turned him down numerous times before, she accepted. They’d each found a life match.

It ended like a country song, too. In 2003, Carter died in Nashville of complications from heart surgery, and Cash followed her to the grave four months later. The heart complication for him, it seemed, was that it was broken: “It hurts so bad,” he told the audience at the last concert he would give. The pain, he said, tuning his guitar, close to tears, was “the big one. It’s the biggest.”

Cash was speaking for many a bereaved partner – and well before Johnny ever met June, scientists had noticed that cases of spouses dying in rapid succession were not at all unusual. By the 1980s, medical researchers had started writing about “stress cardiomyopathy”, or “apical ballooning syndrome”, the ungainly name for the peculiar condition whereby an individual’s brain, following an intense emotional trauma, would inexplicably release chemicals into the bloodstream that weakened the heart – in some cases, causing it quite literally to break.

The medical community was interested because it offered a chance, potentially, to intervene and prolong life. Another industry was interested in the phenomenon, too – but less to stop it and more to understand it. These were the actuaries working in life assurance. Actuarial science is the study of the statistics surrounding life and death – and the statistics surrounding the broken heart phenomenon were striking. Pages and pages of death records showed the same marked trend: that in human couples, the death of one partner significantly increases the chances of the death of the other. Dying of a broken heart – in the most general sense, not necessarily from stress cardiomyopathy – was not a rare occurrence, but something of a statistical probability. So much so that life assurers, in order to conduct their business, needed to incorporate it into their models. In a March 2008 study, Jaap Spreeuw and Xu Wang of the Cass Business School observed that in the year following a loved one’s death, women were more than twice as likely to die than normal, and men more than six times as likely. “This implies … that joint life annuities [in which payments continue at the same price until both partners die] are underpriced while last survivor annuities [in which payments increase after one partner dies] are overpriced,” concluded the authors.

Even before the definitive Cass study, however, actuaries had begun to incorporate the broken heart trend into their mathematical models calculating the chances of clients dying. How could such an ephemeral relationship be reliably captured? The actuaries, of course, relied on probability. While they could not hope to devise a model that predicted the likelihood of death from a broken heart for a specific couple, they could use statistical science to devise a fairly accurate picture across a group of people.

They borrowed from physics and devised a formula based on something called a Markov chain: a way of expressing a series of statistical events whose outcomes are dependent upon one another. In physics, Markov chain processes underlie our most basic understanding of the world around us, from the way liquid turns to gas to the way a drop of vivid ink might slowly diffuse through a glass of water. If you treated people like atoms, the actuaries reasoned, you could apply the same maths.

. . .

In the autumn of 1987, the man who would become the world’s most influential actuary landed in Canada on a flight from China. Neither Xiang Lin Li nor the handful of fellow junior academics with whom he was travelling – all from the University of Nankai – had ever been abroad before, yet they had come at the behest of the Chinese and Canadian governments to do something most unusual: study capitalism. The small band of mathematicians and statisticians would be taking business degrees at Quebec’s Laval University.

For Li, going to Canada was just the latest in a series of unlikely opportunities that had shaped his life up to then. Decades earlier, his family had suffered at the blunt end of Mao’s cultural revolution: his father, a mid-ranking police official, was precisely the kind of lowly bureaucrat that the red guard mob was intent on re-educating, and the family was uprooted to a small village in southern China. In the countryside, the chances of young Xiang Lin going to school – let alone university – were slim. But he was talented and driven, and made it not only into school, but on to ­Nankai, one of the country’s most prestigious institutions. Li studied economics, and had just passed his master’s examinations when the Canadians came calling. Determined to be among those sent to Quebec, he learnt French in four months – as much at home studying the language, it seemed, as he was crunching numbers.

Li’s drive did not abate abroad. Four years after arriving in Canada, he’d earned his MBA; by this stage, he had no intention of returning home. In the few years he had been away, China’s mini-glasnost period had withered. Hu Yaobang, general secretary of the Communist party and a pro-democratic reformist, had been ousted, and Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping was now wary of the liberalism genie that had been let out of the bottle. In 1989, the world had looked on as students were mowed down in Tiananmen Square. Universities such as Nankai were not exactly the safest places for ambitious young students – especially not ones returning from MBA courses in the west.

As if to make clear the break, Xiang Lin changed his name and became David Li. After graduation from Laval, he enrolled at a new university, Waterloo, near Toronto. He would now be studying actuarial science. And this wasn’t the only change: the move from genteel, francophone Montreal to the more worldly and business-oriented Toronto was profound – and deliberate. According to Jie Dai, a fellow immigrant from China and a classmate at Laval, “I clearly remember [Li] mention that if you are an actuarial guy, you can earn a lot of money.”

. . .

The big money in the 1990s, of course, was not to be found at Waterloo but in Silicon Valley, on Wall Street and in the City of London. The first of these might have been an obvious destination for a talented mathematician, but the latter two were also becoming magnets for the likes of Li. In 1984, Robert Rubin, who a decade later would become US treasury secretary, made a bold decision for his employer at the time, the investment bank Goldman Sachs. Rubin decided to hire Fischer Black, an economist and academic at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Sloan School of Management. Prior to 1983, a few academics had toyed with economics and markets, but as intellectual curiosities; Black was the first of his kind – a serious academic, with publications under his belt and a tenured position to boot – to make the move to Wall Street, putting theory into practice and risking the scorn of his ivory tower colleagues.

Rubin’s bet earned Goldman many multiples of Black’s salary. At the bank, the professor pioneered the use of mathematics in pursuit of money. He was one half of the duo that came up with the Black-Scholes formula, which revolutionised Wall Street by promising to determine a rational price for market risks – a principle that would become the founding doctrine of a new field, quantitative finance. Quantitative finance’s practitioners were trying to outwit the markets, using maths to eliminate risk by first using maths to calculate it. And the numbers of those practitioners grew quickly. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the arms race and, in 1993, the cancellation by the US congress of the superconducting super collider – intended to be the world’s greatest physics experiment – particle physicists, experts in quantum mechanics and computing engineers were twiddling their thumbs. For the younger generation of newly qualified grads and PhDs, applying their expertise to finance was the obvious alternative to fighting it out for the dwindling number of jobs strictly in their fields.

Emanuel Derman – a particle physicist – was such a convert. He joined Goldman in 1985, working under Black before eventually taking over from his mentor, and recalls members of the “quant” influx being referred to as “POWs” – physicists on Wall Street. Equally accurate was the acronym used by Andrew Lo, another Wall Street quant and now a lecturer at MIT. What Wall Street was really after, said Lo in a recent lecture, was not PhDs, but PSDs: people who were “poor, smart and with a deep desire to get rich”. At Waterloo, Li fitted that description to a T. He was studying for his PhD in actuarial science, but no one expected him to go on to a career in academia. Instead, in 1997, after earning his doctorate, he took a job at one of Canada’s largest banks, Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce (CIBC).

For graduates such as Li, joining the rough and tumble world of business could be something of a shock, even when armed with MBAs. At best, the mathematicians were semi-disparagingly referred to as quants; if they were lucky, trader colleagues might slap them on the back and call them, half in flattery, “rocket scientists”. Emanuel Derman recalls a time at Goldman Sachs when he and another quant colleague were standing on the trading floor, on either side of a central aisle, and a senior trader passed between them. The trader “winced, clutching his head with both hands as though in excruciating pain, and exclaimed, ‘Aaarrggh-hhh! The force field! It’s too intense! Let me out of the way!’”

And yet by the time Li got to New York, in 1998, the quants had taken over the asylum. In the summer of that year, Long Term Capital Management, a hedge fund run by the finest minds in quantitative finance, required a massive bailout from the federal government. But far from serving as a warning that mathematical models could get investors into serious trouble, LTCM exploded the notion of quantitative finance as a geeky, back-office support task. The fund’s might before its fall – and the fact that its failure might have left a trillion-dollar hole in the financial system – discounted the notion that traders’ instinct and experience counted more than numerical intelligence.

The quants weren’t exactly out on the trading floor, however. The best of them still spent their days writing papers, crunching numbers, applying their academic expertise to the world of business. Li had come to New York to work for a consultancy called the RiskMetrics Group, which had been spun out of JP Morgan, but he was still thinking about life, death and love. In 2000, he published a paper in the prestigious Journal of Fixed Income that gained some serious attention. In it, Li performed a most elegant trick. Borrowing from his work in actuarial science and insurance and his knowledge of the broken-heart syndrome, he attempted to solve one of Wall Street quants’ most intractable problems: default correlation.

Markets do not function in laboratory-like isolation. They are linked, correlated. It isn’t enough for any quant to try and know the probability of each individual company in his bank’s portfolio going bust; he has to know how the bankruptcy of one company – or several – might increase (or decrease) the likelihood that other companies will default. Suppose, for example, that a bank loans money to two outfits – a dairy farm and a dairy. The farm, according to ratings agencies, has a 10 per cent chance of going bust and the dairy a 5 per cent chance. But if the farm does go under, the chances that the dairy will follow will rise above 5 per cent – quickly and steeply – if the farm was its main milk supplier.

And it gets more complicated from there. How correlated are the default probabilities on bonds issued by our Irish dairy farm and those issued by a software company in Malaysia? Not at all, you might think: the businesses not only provide totally different products and services, they’re also geographically remote from each other. Suppose, though, that both companies have been lent money by the same troubled bank that is now calling in its loans.

In fact, this is exactly what sank LTCM. How correlated are Russian government bonds and those in Mexico? Not at all, according to LTCM’s model, which, it should be noted, crunched data going back a hundred years. And yet it turned out for the hedge fund that both markets were dominated by the same few investors. The 1998 financial crisis in Russia, when Boris Yeltsin’s government defaulted on its bonds, caused panic selling in Mexico as investors rushed to de-risk their portfolios.

Li realised that his insight was groundbreaking. Speaking to The Wall Street Journal seven years later, he said: “Suddenly I thought that the problem I was trying to solve [as an actuary] was exactly the problem these guys were trying to solve. Default [on a loan] is like the death of a company.” And if he could apply the broken hearts maths to broken companies, he’d have a way of mathematically modelling the effect that one company’s default would have on the chance of default for others.

. . .

When mathematicians and physicists want to describe the chances of events occurring, they often rely on a curve called a copula. The Latin root is a noun meaning a “link or tie”, and indeed, copulas connect variables in such a way that their interdependence can be plotted. Throughout his PhD at Waterloo, and at CIBC, Li had been interested in how he could use copulas to develop existing actuarial models of the ­broken heart syndrome. The problem with relying on Markov chains was that they painted a far too mechanical, physical – atomic, even – picture of the human lifespan. Li reasoned that with a copula that showed a probable distribution of outcomes, a more accurate, encompassing picture of the broken heart or, for that matter, the broken company, could be devised.

He decided to use a very standard type of curve – the Gaussian copula, which is better known as a bell curve, or normal distribution – to map and determine the correlation on any given portfolio of assets. In the same way that actuaries could tell their employers the chances of Johnny Cash dying soon after June Carter without knowing anything about Cash other than the fact of his recent widowhood, so quants could tell their employers the effect one company defaulting might have on another doing the same – without knowing anything about the companies themselves. From this point on, it really could be, would be, a number-crunching game.

By 2003, Li’s paper had made his name on Wall Street. By now he was director and global head of derivatives research at Citigroup, and on a bright Tuesday morning in November, he arrived at the annual Quant Congress to bask in the glory with a presentation about his work. In front of a room of hundreds of fellow quants (“not a million miles from some kind of science fiction convention”, one person who was there recalls) he ran through his model – the Gaussian copula function for default.

The presentation was a riot of equations, mathematical lemmas, arching curves and matrices of numbers. The questions afterwards were deferential, technical. Li, it seemed, had found the final piece of a risk-management jigsaw that banks had been slowly piecing together since quants arrived on Wall Street.

. . .

By 2001, correlation was a big deal. A new fervour was gripping Wall Street – one almost as revolutionary as that which had struck when the Black-Scholes model brought about the explosion in stock options and derivatives in the early 1980s. This was structured finance, the culmination of two decades of quants on Wall Street. The basic idea was simple: that banks no longer had to hold on to risks. Instead they could value them, using complex maths and modelling, then package and trade them like any other, ordinary security.

Mortgages were the prime example. Rather than make a mortgage loan and gradually collect interest over its lifespan, banks began to bundle the loans together and sell them into specially created off-balance-sheet shell companies. These companies in turn issued bonds to raise cash. And by using the modelling and maths being cranked out by quants, banks were able to tailor the structure of mortgage portfolios to ensure that bonds of varying risks could be issued to investors. The problem, however, was correlation. The one thing any off-balance-sheet securitisation could not properly capture was the interrelatedness of all the ­hundreds of thousands of different mortgage loans they owned. As a consequence, structured finance had remained a niche and highly bespoke practice throughout the 1990s.

On August 10 2004, however, the rating agency Moody’s incorporated Li’s Gaussian copula default function formula into its rating methodology for collateralised debt obligations, the structured finance instruments that subsequently proved the nemesis of so many banks. Previously, Moody’s had insisted that CDOs meet a diversity score – that is, that each should contain different types of assets, such as commercial mortgages, student loans and credit card debts, as well as the popular subprime debt. This was standard investing good practice, where the best way to guard against risk is to avoid putting all your eggs in one basket. But Li’s formula meant Moody’s now had a model that enabled it to gauge the interrelatedness of risks – and that traditional good practice could be thrown out of the window, since risk could be measured with mathematical certainty. No need to spread your eggs across baskets if you knew the exact odds of your one basket being dropped. A week after Moody’s, the world’s other large rating agency, Standard & Poor’s, changed its methodology, too.

CDOs built solely out of subprime mortgage debt became the rage. And using the magic of the Gaussian copula correlation model, and some clever off-balance-sheet architecture, high-risk mortgages were re-packaged into triple-A-rated investor gold. The CDO market exploded. In 2000, the total number of CDOs issued were worth somewhere in the tens of billions of dollars. By 2007, two trillion dollars of CDO bonds had been issued. And with so many investors looking to put their money in debt, that debt became incredibly cheap, fuelling a massive boom in house prices and turbo-charging the world’s economies.

. . .

The unwinding started, as we all now know, in the US subprime housing market. Defaults started to increase in late 2006. The banks weren’t worried at first. Their models assumed that the pinprick default points all over the US were not correlated. But the defaults kept coming. By early 2007, it was clear that the US subprime market had a problem and by that summer, homeowners all over the US were defaulting on their mortgages. The cheap debt made available by the finance revolution was so cheap, in fact, that the loans should never have been made. And the correlation model was still mapping the housing market as it had been in 1990s, not the grossly inflated monster it had become. The development of the model had, ironically, changed the nature of the reality it was modelling.

The losses the banks began to take against their holdings of CDOs were staggering. And as the institutions grew fearful about one another’s solvency, they stopped lending to each other. Global liquidity dried up. The rot spread from asset class to asset class, and the banks’ pain spread to the real economy. Suddenly, everything was highly correlated.

How had Li’s formula failed to anticipate this? The problem was that it assumed events tended to cluster heavily around an average – a “normal” state. In actuarial science, Li’s formula could adequately capture binary outcomes such as life or death, but in the messy world of mortgages and economics, it faltered. The range of possible outcomes here was more complicated, and indeed, random, than those facing an insurance company’s clients. Markets – particularly the mortgage market – were far more prone to extreme correlation scenarios than were insurers. Death from a broken heart, for all its poetic associations, is far easier to predict than the more prosaic, but ultimately unknowable, interrelatedness of markets.

Why did no one notice the formula’s Achilles heel? Some did. Nassim Nicholas Taleb, author of the bestselling The Black Swan – a book about the importance of considering outliers when looking at copulas – was a voluble critic of quantitative finance and Li’s formula. “The thing never worked,” he says. “Anything that relies on correlation is charlatanism.”

In 2007, David Li left Wall Street and moved back to China. He could not be contacted for this story. But two years earlier, before the financial system blew up, he did warn: “Very few people understand the essence of the model.” Harry Panjer, a professor of statistics and actuarial science who was Li’s mentor at Waterloo, strikes a balance between Taleb’s accusations and the stance of Li. Earlier this year, Panjer told The Toronto Star newspaper: “We have a saying in statistics, ‘All ­models are wrong, but some are useful.’” And David Li’s model was, for a period, profoundly useful.

Sam Jones is a reporter for FT Alphaville."

Monday, January 5, 2009

"The piece so badly misses the basics about VaR that it is hard to take it seriously, although many no doubt will"

Yves Smith attacks VAR:

"
Sunday, January 4, 2009

Woefully Misleading Piece on Value at Risk in New York Times

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The New York Times Sunday Magazine has a long piece by Joe Nocera on value at risk models, which tries to assess how much they can be held accountable for risk management failures on Wall Street.

The piece so badly misses the basics about VaR that it is hard to take it seriously, although many no doubt will( I LIKED THE POST, SO LET'S SEE WHERE SHE'S GOING. ).

The article mentions that VaR models (along with a lot of other risk measurement tools, such as the Black-Scholes options pricing model) assumes that asset prices follow a "normal" distribution, or the classical bell curve( IT DOESN'T SEEM LIKE ALL DO ). That sort of distribution is also known as Gaussian.

But it is well known that financial assets do not exhibit normal distributions. And NO WHERE, not once, does the article mention this fundamentally important fact.

The distribution of prices in financial markets are subject to both "skewness" and "kurtosis". Skewness means results are not symmetrical around the mean:



Stocks and bonds are subject to negative skewness (longer tails of negative outcomes) while commodities exhibit positive skewness (and that factor, in addition to their low correlation with financial asset returns, makes them a useful addition to a model portfolio).

Kurtosis is also known informally as "fat tails". That means that events far away from the mean are more likely to happen that a normal distribution( THEN IT'S NOT A NORMAL DISTRIBUTION ) would suggest. The first chart below is a normal distribution, the second, a so-called Cauchy distribution, which has fat tails:




Now when I say it is well known that trading markets do not exhibit Gaussian distributions, I mean it is REALLY well known. At around the time when the ideas of financial economists were being developed and taking hold (and key to their work was the idea that security prices were normally distributed), mathematician Benoit Mandelbrot learned that cotton had an unusually long price history (100 years of daily prices). Mandelbrot cut the data, and no matter what time period one used, the results were NOT normally distributed. His findings were initially pooh-poohed, but they have been confirmed repeatedly. Yet the math on which risk management and portfolio construction rests assumes a normal distribution!( I DIDN'T SEE THAT )

Let us turn the mike over to the Financial Times' John Dizard:
As is customary, the risk managers were well-prepared for the previous war. For 20 years numerate investors have been complaining about measurements of portfolio risk that use the Gaussian distribution, or bell curve. Every four or five years, they are told, their portfolios suffer from a once-in-50-years event. Something is off here.

Models based on the Gaussian distribution are a pretty good way of managing day-to-day trading positions since, from one day to the next, risks will tend to be normally distributed. Also, they give a simple, one-number measure of risk, which makes it easier for the traders' managers to make decisions.

The "tails risk" ....becomes significant over longer periods of time. Traders who maintain good liquidity and fast reaction times can handle tails risk( SO VAR IS USEFUL )....Everyone has known, or should have known, this for a long time. There are terabytes of professional journal articles on how to measure and deal with tails risk....

A once-in-10-years-comet- wiping-out-the-dinosaurs disaster is a problem for the investor, not the manager-mammal who collects his compensation annually, in cash, thank you. He has what they call a "résumé put", not a term you will find in offering memoranda, and nine years of bonuses....

All this makes life easy for the financial journalist, since once you've been through one cycle, you can just dust off your old commentary.

But Nocera makes NO mention, zero, zip, nada, of how the models misrepresent the nature of risk. He does use the expressoins "kurtosis" and "fat tails" but does not explain what they mean. He merely tells us that VaR measures the risk of what happens 99% of the time, and what happens in that remaining 1% could be catastrophic. That in fact understates the flaws of VaR. The 99% measurement is inaccurate too.( SOME ARE )

Reliance on VaR and other tools based on the assumption of normal distributions leads to grotesque under-estimation of risk. As Paul De Grauwe, Leonardo Iania, and Pablo Rovira Kaltwasser pointed out in "How Abnormal Was the Stock Market in October 2008?":
We selected the six largest daily percentage changes in the Dow Jones Industrial Average during October, and asked the question of how frequent these changes occur assuming that, as is commonly done in finance models, these events are normally distributed. The results are truly astonishing. There were two daily changes of more than 10% during the month. With a standard deviation of daily changes of 1.032% (computed over the period 1971-2008) movements of such a magnitude can occur only once every 73 to 603 trillion billion years. Since our universe, according to most physicists, exists a mere 20 billion years we, finance theorists, would have had to wait for another trillion universes before one such change could be observed. Yet it happened twice during the same month. A truly miraculous event. The other four changes during the same month of October have a somewhat higher frequency, but surely we did not expect these to happen in our lifetimes.( IN ORDER FOR THEM TO SAY THIS, THE DATA MUST BE AVAILABLE )

Thus, Nocera's failure to do even a basic job of explaining the fundamental flaws in the construct of VaR renders the article grossly misleading. Yes, he mentions that VaR models were often based on a mere two years of data. That alone is shocking but is treated in an off-hand manner (as if it was OK because VaR was supposedly used for short term measurements. Well, that just isn't true. That is not how regulators use it, nor, per Dizard, investors). Indeed the piece argues that the problem with VaR was not looking at historical data over a sufficiently long period:
This was one of Alan Greenspan’s primary excuses when he made his mea culpa for the financial crisis before Congress a few months ago. After pointing out that a Nobel Prize had been awarded for work that led to some of the theories behind derivative pricing and risk management, he said: “The whole intellectual edifice, however, collapsed in the summer of last year because the data input into the risk-management models generally covered only the past two decades, a period of euphoria. Had instead the models been fitted more appropriately to historic periods of stress, capital requirements would have been much higher and the financial world would be in far better shape today, in my judgment.” Well, yes. That was also the point Taleb was making in his lecture when he referred to what he called future-blindness. People tend not to be able to anticipate a future they have never personally experienced.

Again, just plain wrong. Use of financial data series over long periods of time, as we said above, have repeatedly confirmed what Mandelbrot said: the risks are simply not normally distributed. More data will not fix this intrinsic failing.( I'M NOT SURE I UNDERSTAND THIS. NORMAL DISTRIBUTION WILL WORK MOST OF THE TIME FOR PREDICTION. IT SIMPLY IS LESS USEFUL THAN A MORE INCLUSIVE MEASURE. )

By neglecting to expose this basic issue, the piece comes off as duelling experts, and with the noisiest critic of VaR, Nassim Nicolas Taleb, dismissive and not prone to explanation, the defenders get far more air time and come off sounding far more reasonable.

It similarly does not occur to Nocera to question the "one size fits all" approach to VaR. The same normal distribution is assumed for all asset types, when as we noted earlier, different types of investments exhibit different types of skewness. The fact that VaR allows for comparisons across investment types via force-fitting gets nary a mention.

He also fails to plumb the idea that reducing as complicated a matter as risk management of internationally-traded multii-assets to a single metric is just plain dopey. No single construct can be adequate. Accordingly, large firms rely on multiple tools, although Nocera never mentions them. However, the group that does rely unduly on VaR as a proxy for risk is financial regulators( GOVERNMENT ALWAYS DOES THIS. CONSIDER HOW POVERTY IS MEASURED. GOVERNMENT NEEDS SIMPLE NUMBERS. ). I have been told that banks would rather make less use of VaR, but its popularity among central bankers and other overseers means that firms need to keep it as a central metric.

Similarly, false confidence in VaR has meant that it has become a crutch( THIS ISN'T THE FAULT OF THE MODEL ). Rather than attempting to develop sufficient competence to enable them to have a better understanding of the issues and techniques involved in risk management and measurement (which would clearly require some staffers to have high-level math skills), regulators instead take false comfort in a single number that greatly understates the risk they should be most worried about, that of a major blow-up.

Even though some early readers have made positive noises about Nocera's recounting of the history of VaR, I see enough glitches to raise serious questions. For instance:
L.T.C.M.’s collapse would seem to make a pretty good case for Taleb’s theories. What brought the firm down was a black swan it never saw coming: the twin financial crises in Asia and Russia. Indeed, so sure were the firm’s partners that the market would revert to “normal” — which is what their model insisted would happen — that they continued to take on exposures that would destroy the firm as the crisis worsened, according to Roger Lowenstein’s account of the debacle, “When Genius Failed.” Oh, and another thing: among the risk models the firm relied on was VaR.

I am a big fan of Lowenstein's book, and this passage fails to represent it or the collapse of LTCM accurately. Lowenstein makes clear that after LTCM's initial, spectacular success, the firm stated trading in markets where it lacked the data to do the sort of risk modeling that had been its hallmark. It was basically punting on a massive scale and thus deviating considerably from what had been its historical approach. In addition, the firm was taking very large positions in a lot of markets, yet was making NO allowance for liquidity risk( A CALLING RUN ) (not overall market liquidity, but more basic ongoing trading liquidity, that is, the size of its positions relative to normal trading volumes). In other words, there was no way it could exit most of its positions without having a price impact (both directly, via the scale of its selling, and indirectly, by traders realizing that the big kahuna LTCM wanted out and taking advantage of its need to unload). That is a Trading 101 sort of mistake, yet LTCM perpetrated it in breathtakingly cavalier fashion.( THAT'S TRUE )

Thus the point that Nocera asserts, that the LTCM debacle should have damaged VaR but didn't, reveals a lack of understanding of that episode. LTCM had managed to maintain the image of having sophisticated risk management up to the point of its failure, but it violated its own playbook and completely ignored position size versus normal trading liquidity. Anyone involved in the debacle and unwind (and the Fed and all the big Wall Street houses were) would not see the LTCM failure as related to VaR. There were bigger, far more immediate causes.

So Nocera, by failing to dig deeply enough, winds up defending a failed orthodoxy. I suspect we are going to see a lot of that sort of thing in 2009.
More on this topic (What's this?) "

Here's a VAR chart:



The 10% Value at Risk of a normally distributed portfolio"

It doesn't look Gaussian.

Here's another:

An example of VaR: Consider a NYMEX heating oil futures position, whose value has the probability distribution shown above. When we say that the position has a three-day, 95 per cent VaR of $5,000,000 as shown above, we mean that we are 95 per cent confident that the position's value will not decrease by more than $5,000,000 over the next three days. However, there is a five per cent chance that losses may exceed $5,000,000, and in extreme scenarios they can be significantly larger."

Here's a few more:

"Value at risk (VAR or sometimes VaR) has been called the "new science of risk management", but you do not need to be a scientist to use VAR. Here, in part 1 of this series, we look at the idea behind VAR and the three basic methods of calculating it. In Part 2, we apply these methods to calculating VAR for a single stock or investment.

The Idea behind VAR
The most popular and traditional measure of risk is volatility. The main problem with volatility, however, is that it does not care about the direction of an investment's movement: a stock can be volatile because it suddenly jumps higher. Of course, investors are not distressed by gains! (See The Limits and Uses of Volatility.)

For investors, risk is about the odds of losing money, and VAR is based on that common-sense fact. By assuming investors care about the odds of a really big loss, VAR answers the question, "What is my worst-case scenario?" or "How much could I lose in a really bad month?"

Now let's get specific. A VAR statistic has three components: a time period, a confidence level and a loss amount (or loss percentage). Keep these three parts in mind as we give some examples of variations of the question that VAR answers:
  • What is the most I can - with a 95% or 99% level of confidence - expect to lose in dollars over the next month?
  • What is the maximum percentage I can - with 95% or 99% confidence - expect to lose over the next year?
You can see how the "VAR question" has three elements: a relatively high level of confidence (typically either 95% or 99%), a time period (a day, a month or a year) and an estimate of investment loss (expressed either in dollar or percentage terms).

Methods of Calculating VAR
Institutional investors use VAR to evaluate portfolio risk, but in this introduction we will use it to evaluate the risk of a single index that trades like a stock: the Nasdaq 100 Index, which trades under the ticker QQQQ. The QQQQ is a very popular index of the largest non-financial stocks that trade on the Nasdaq exchange.

There are three methods of calculating VAR: the historical method, the variance-covariance method and the Monte Carlo simulation.

1. Historical Method
The historical method simply re-organizes actual historical returns, putting them in order from worst to best. It then assumes that history will repeat itself, from a risk perspective.

The QQQ started trading in Mar 1999, and if we calculate each daily return, we produce a rich data set of almost 1,400 points. Let's put them in a histogram that compares the frequency of return "buckets". For example, at the highest point of the histogram (the highest bar), there were more than 250 days when the daily return was between 0% and 1%. At the far right, you can barely see a tiny bar at 13%; it represents the one single day (in Jan 2000) within a period of five-plus years when the daily return for the QQQ was a stunning 12.4%!


Notice the red bars that compose the "left tail" of the histogram. These are the lowest 5% of daily returns (since the returns are ordered from left to right, the worst are always the "left tail"). The red bars run from daily losses of 4% to 8%. Because these are the worst 5% of all daily returns, we can say with 95% confidence that the worst daily loss will not exceed 4%. Put another way, we expect with 95% confidence that our gain will exceed -4%. That is VAR in a nutshell. Let's re-phrase the statistic into both percentage and dollar terms:
  • With 95% confidence, we expect that our worst daily loss will not exceed 4%.
  • If we invest $100, we are 95% confident that our worst daily loss will not exceed $4 ($100 x -4%).
You can see that VAR indeed allows for an outcome that is worse than a return of -4%. It does not express absolute certainty but instead makes a probabilistic estimate. If we want to increase our confidence, we need only to "move to the left" on the same histogram, to where the first two red bars, at -8% and -7% represent the worst 1% of daily returns:
  • With 99% confidence, we expect that the worst daily loss will not exceed 7%.
  • Or, if we invest $100, we are 99% confident that our worst daily loss will not exceed $7.
2. The Variance-Covariance Method
This method assumes that stock returns are normally distributed. In other words, it requires that we estimate only two factors - an expected (or average) return and a standard deviation - which allow us to plot a normal distribution curve. Here we plot the normal curve against the same actual return data:


The idea behind the variance-covariance is similar to the ideas behind the historical method - except that we use the familiar curve instead of actual data. The advantage of the normal curve is that we automatically know where the worst 5% and 1% lie on the curve. They are a function of our desired confidence and the standard deviation ():


The blue curve above is based on the actual daily standard deviation of the QQQ, which is 2.64%. The average daily return happened to be fairly close to zero, so we will assume an average return of zero for illustrative purposes. Here are the results of plugging the actual standard deviation into the formulas above:


3. Monte Carlo Simulation
The third method involves developing a model for future stock price returns and running multiple hypothetical trials through the model. A Monte Carlo simulation refers to any method that randomly generates trials, but by itself does not tell us anything about the underlying methodology.



For most users, a Monte Carlo simulation amounts to a "black box" generator of random outcomes. Without going into further details, we ran a Monte Carlo simulation on the QQQ based on its historical trading pattern. In our simulation, 100 trials were conducted. If we ran it again, we would get a different result--although it is highly likely that the differences would be narrow. Here is the result arranged into a histogram (please note that while the previous graphs have shown daily returns, this graph displays monthly returns):


To summarize, we ran 100 hypothetical trials of monthly returns for the QQQ. Among them, two outcomes were between -15% and -20%; and three were between -20% and 25%. That means the worst five outcomes (that is, the worst 5%) were less than -15%. The Monte Carlo simulation therefore leads to the following VAR-type conclusion: with 95% confidence, we do not expect to lose more than 15% during any given month.

Summary
Value at Risk (VAR) calculates the maximum loss expected (or worst case scenario) on an investment, over a given time period and given a specified degree of confidence. We looked at three methods commonly used to calculate VAR. But keep in mind that two of our methods calculated a daily VAR and the third method calculated monthly VAR. In Part 2 of this series we show you how to compare these different time horizons.

To read more on this subject, see Continuously Compound Interest.
by David Harper

Here's another:

Value at Risk (VaR) is a mathematical approach for estimating the maximum potential loss of a given portfolio within some period of time with some likelihood of occurrence.

BI's VaR Calculator calculates the Value at Risk of the set of securities in the portfolio for paired-trades (one long and the other short) typically made by relative-value hedge funds. Most traditional off-the-shelf VaR measurement tools (such as those from Bloomberg, and Algorithmics) are unable to correctly determine VaR by linking two or more trades together. This is important for hedge funds, otherwise the mis-reported VaR is typically much larger than the true VaR, restricting the amount of active bets the hedge fund can make.

The following financial instruments are covered in the calculation of VaR by our tool:

  • Equities, Equity ETFs
  • Corporate Bonds
  • Treasury Notes and Bonds
  • Interest Rate Swaps
  • Interest Rate Futures: Fed Funds Futures, Euro-dollar futures
  • Treasury Bond Futures
  • Commodity Futures
  • Credit Default Swaps

The VaR Calculator is provided as a product kit that is customized to each client's (hedge fund or money manager's) trading environment. Two integrations will be performed on-site.

Upon installation, the tool will be integrated with the system or spreadsheet from which it can automatically get the firm's trade position data on a daily basis.

The tool will also be integrated with the vendor's (such as Bloomberg, or Factset) programmatic API that provides live market price data on the financial instruments held in the portfolio, so that automatic daily price retrievals of financial time series can be made.

Methodology

The tool computes the portfolio VaR using the Delta-Normal method. It expects to use market price data on the securities from which we first derive discrete daily returns. Risk is measured over a day's horizon at the 99% confidence level as shown in the figure above. The delta-normal method assumes that all asset returns are normally distributed. As the portfolio return is a linear combination of normal variables, it is also normally distributed.

Standardized risk factors are identified for the various instruments, and variances on them computed automatically from the market data retrieved from daily price quotations:

  • Equities and Futures: price-based return
  • Bonds, Rate Swaps and other interest-rate sensitive instruments: yield shift

The Portfolio VaR computation method consists of going back in time, and computing variances and correlations for all risk factors. Portfolio risk is considered generated by a combination of linear exposures to many factors that are assumed to be normally distributed, and by the forecast of the covariance matrix (assumes a historical extrapolation).

Key Benefits of BI's VaR Calculator

  • Accurately prices VaR of financial instruments when used in a paired arbitrage trade
  • Very low cost compared to other vendors such as Algorithmics and RiskMetrics
  • Adaptable and customizable to your firm's unique risk monitoring requirements"
My conclusion, looking at a couple of the more technical papers, is that some of these VAR systems look more sensible than others. However, just like Nocera, Yves Smith has to do more technical explantion of this than pointing to a couple of charts. I wish her luck, as even the ones that make senses will be hard to assess without the actual records of use. By the way, all the graphs do seem to have fat tails to my eyes. I don't believe that the models are to blame. As near as I can tell, VAR has some uses, as do CDOs and CDSs, which are all erroneously blamed, where people are in fact to blame.

Friday, November 28, 2008

A Spot Of Bother

I'm not that happy with Willem Buiter and Nick Rowe right now. I feel like my old college chum Bertie Wooster ( Oh yes, I spent many a college evening with Bertie and his manservant Jeeves, who was decidedly helpful if I had a hangover ) must have felt when he was drawn into some spot of bother by Freddie Meadowes or Bingo Little ( I'm probably more like him ).

You see, I'm terribly backed up right now, and, so, I don't need another assignment, so, I didn't need Nick getting me off track with this comment on Buiter's Blog:

"JKH: Thanks. I think I understand you now. I think we are re-visiting the 1960’s debate on “Is money net wealth?” (Pesek & Saving vs, Gurley and Shaw for example). Funnily enough, I just Googled “Is Money net Wealth?” to jog my memory and found a 2004 paper “Helicopter Money” on that very subject (answering “yes”) by our esteemed blogger."

Funnily enough,eh? You're probably thinking that I'm fascinated with the issue of money net wealth. Not really. I mean, yes, it's interesting, but that's not what's got me hooked. No. It's the fact that I want to be able to meaningfully use the phrase "Helicopter Money". That's too good a phrase not to include in my prose style, dully attributed, of course.

So, I had to go looking for this paper by Buiter, hoping that by "paper" Nick meant a post of about a page's length. Truly, I hoped I couldn't find the thing. I was feeling lucky, because, for a time, I couldn't get at it. Then, just as I was about to quit, I found the PDF.

The PDF is about 32 pages long. Damned and damned again. But wait? As I scrolled through, I noticed a number of equation filled pages. That's good news. You see, when I read a language, I have to carefully examine every detail of the sentence that I possibly can. But with equations, and with math in general, I have an amazing ability to scan the page for a few seconds, and then pronounce judgment, which usually ends with my saying, " Yes, that looks right. Let's move on". It's extraordinary, I admit it. I've always had this peculiar ability.

This helps explain the fact that my prose style, seriously, is mightily influenced by E.C. Titchmarsh and G.H. Hardy. I don't have a clue about what the two fools are talking about generally, but I love their writing style. And style, as Stevens says, is inherent in our way of being. It's peculiar to each of us. It's like a fingerprint. Except in my case, where it's more like a curse.

If you don't believe me about Titchmarsh and Hardy, let me tell you what they think about me. Just last week, in Heaven, they were speaking, coincidentally, given one of my more recent posts, to Gauss ( Who I'm sure is extremely please to have the Gaussian Copula and its effects added posthumously to his resume ), in Hebrew ( That's the language in Heaven, in case you didn't know. A word to the wise. You might want to begin learning Hebrew here on earth, lest you be put into the remedial education classes when you get to Heaven. A little Aramaic wouldn't hurt either. ).

"Say, you two old farts", Gauss began, "what would you say was your greatest accomplishment on earth?.

At that point Hardy and Titchmarsh exchanged knowing nods between themselves, and Hardy, being the senior man, replied for the both of them, saying, "Gauss, you old bugger, we both agree that it would have to be our influence on Don's prose style".

So there. Thanks old friends. It would be a bit more of a help to my writing career if you two dashed off a post to the FT confirming your opinions. Still, much appreciated.

So, I'm going to tackle this paper by Buiter on another post, because, well, this one got silly.