"Felix Salmon
is summer arriving?
A closer look at the Waxman-Markey allocations
John Kemp has a very handy summary of exactly how emissions allowances are going to be allocated under the Waxman bill. And it turns out that while only 15% of the allowances are certainly going to be auctioned — at least in the first instance — another 14% or so are going to go towards pushing clean-energy objectives. As Kemp notes, this is
in effect granting valuable, saleable rights to companies promoting new technologies such as carbon sequestration and storage, energy efficiency and renewables, and clean vehicle technologies.
We’re talking a lot of money here: the “clean vehicle technology” line item gets 139 million tons of emissions allowances in 2012 alone, on top of 440 million tons slated to go to “energy efficiency and renewables”. Your guess is as good as mine when it comes to the secondary-market value of emissions rights in 2012, but we’re talking billions of dollars annually here.
I like the way that this clean-technology subsidy rises is essentially tied to the successful passage of Waxman-Markey — that’s a good way of aligning incentives. But isn’t the whole point of a cap-and-trade bill that it provides a way to monetize clean energy even without dedicated subsidies? And if we go down this road, aren’t we going to get even more sillybuggery surrounding the reclassification of various forms of energy as “clean” or “renewable”?"
Log-rolling in the Waxman emissions bill (HR 2454)
The climate change bill is a spectacular example of log-rolling and special interest lobbying by the firms on K-Street.
The attached chartbook is a first attempt to analyse the impact of the cap and trade programme set out in the American Clean Energy and Security Act 2009 (HR 2454) as approved by the Energy and Commerce Committee of the House of Representatives last week.
http://graphics.thomsonreuters.com/ce-insight/EMISSIONS-BILL-HR2454.pdf
The bill is very complex and almost unreadable in its current form (a cynic might suggest the complexity is a deliberate attempt to obscure the bill’s impact in as a strategy to get it through Congress).
It does not help that the bill is largely drafted as an amendment to the Clean Air Act (CAA). The cap-and-trade programme would be enacted as a new Title VII to the CAA.
The programme is set out as Sections 311-321 of the American Clean Energy and Security Act 2009. But if it is passed into law, it will be referred to as Sections 701-793 of the Clean Air Act. The result is that all the parts of the bill have two (alternative) numbers. Be warned!
Shorn of the detail, though, the bill is fairly straightforward.
It sets out a list of “covered industries” that would be required to buy emissions allowances to cover their annual emission of greenhouse gases (mostly electricity producers, natural gas suppliers and industries that are intensive users of fossil-fuel derived energy).
It also establishes an annual number of allowances that will be issued (each permit grants the right to emit one metric tonne or carbon dioxide or equivalent). The number of allowances issued gradually tapers down to ensure emissions are reduced to 97% of their 2005 level by 2012, 83% by 2020, 58% by 2030 and just 17% by 2050.
Allowances can be traded, banked and borrowed in a free market.
But the interesting aspect of the bill lies in the INITIAL allocation of allowances (see Charts 3-6 in the attachment).
The government could have allocated allowances in proportion to the volume of carbon dioxide emitted by different industries and firms in the baseline period (2005-2010) and then gradually reduced the allocations pro rata. That would have been the “neutral” approach.
Instead the bill opts for a discretionary allocation of emissions allowances that reflects a complex mix of environmental objectives and the need to secure support from coal-producing and heavy industrial states.
By divorcing the initial allocation from emissions in the baseline period, the bill has in effect created a new form of “currency” and an alternative “carbon budget” that can be used to reward particular industries by granting them valuable emissions rights that can be used to support business activity or sold for conventional dollars.
The largest part of this “currency” is being used to shield electricity, gas and heating oil consumers from the impact of rising emissions prices until well beyond 2020 (see sub-sections (a) to (c) in Charts 3-6).
A small fraction is being used to offset the impact of higher emissions and energy prices on industries that are especially energy intensive and open to international trade (see sub-section (e) ).
Some of the permits are being auctioned (sub-section (d) ).
But large quantities will be used to further a range of “clean energy objectives” — in effect granting valuable, saleable rights to companies promoting new technologies such as carbon sequestration and storage, energy efficiency and renewables, and clean vehicle technologies (sub-sections (g)-(l) ). These technologies will receive as much as 10 percent of the initial permit allocation over the next decade."
Let’s see: Here’s Leigh Caldwell on Knowing And Making:
“There’s a specific reason why a carbon tax might not work, and why it might not stimulate the optimal levels of R&D investment that economic theory indicates.
That reason is the inability of governments to credibly bind themselves in the future.”
That’s great. Then I read the Kemp post. I’m glad that you and Kemp can understand that bill since it seems to me to be designed for future finagling:
“The government could have allocated allowances in proportion to the volume of carbon dioxide emitted by different industries and firms in the baseline period (2005-2010) and then gradually reduced the allocations pro rata. That would have been the “neutral” approach.
Instead the bill opts for a discretionary allocation of emissions allowances that reflects a complex mix of environmental objectives and the need to secure support from coal-producing and heavy industrial states.
By divorcing the initial allocation from emissions in the baseline period, the bill has in effect created a new form of “currency” and an alternative “carbon budget” that can be used to reward particular industries by granting them valuable emissions rights that can be used to support business activity or sold for conventional dollars. ”
This quote produces in me a feeling not unlike being taken for a fool. I was for either alternative. Now, I haven’t a clue. I’d much rather talk about simpler things, like Gaussian Copulas and CDSs and CDOs and Systemic Risk, for example.
- Posted by Don the libertarian Democrat
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